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2li|bi|^ 31feei(Uj gtyeKc^, PU B L IS H E D E V E R Y W E D N E S D A Y —BY— W I I E I A M J . M O S E S . Office, Comer of Genesee and State Streets, AUBURN, N. Y. . STANLEY SMITH, Editor. j —:o:— T E R M S . —$ 2 , 5 0 per annum , in advance, in all cas^e. T he D aily A merican , p u b lished at the same office, v i l l be furnished to subscribers a t $ 5 , 0 0 per annum, payable quarterly in advance. Th*so papers having a large circulation among m e chanics a n d business men, are an excellent m edium for advertising. T h e B o o le a n d G e n e r a l J o b F r i n t l n g O f f i c e o f the T ropriftor o f this paper is in the Advocate Building. Clark street, w h ere he will he pleased to re ceive the calls o f his friends and the public. S p e c ial N o t i c e s . “ A C e r t a i n L o r d w e s i t P r i n c e l y D r e s s e d , ” once told H o ts p u r t h a t u p a rm iceti w as the sovereignest th ing on e a rth for inw a rd wounds ” \Well w e do not gainsay th a t, b u t we do know th a t Bryan's Pulm o nic “W afers is th e u sovereignest thing on earth” for c u ring coughs, colds, h oarseness, etc.; only 23 c m ts a box, Sold b y a ll D ruggists in A u b u rn. T u ttle Sc. Moses A u b u rn, G eneral Agents. S i c k H c a d a c l i e . —Rock Rose Co.:—From early childhood I have been subject to severe periodical at tacks o f i?ick Headache, at tim es rendering me unfit to attend to my household duties. F o r the List tw o years I have b een very w e a k und h ail little or no a p p e tite, b u t by th e use of your E x tract Rock Rose, m y general h e a lth is m uch improved, my a p p e tite is good, I have no more h e a d a c h e a n d I feel b e tter and stronger than I have for y e a rs before. M R S . C. H . W E B S T E R . H e w Haven, Sept. 14th, 1«52. T U T T L E &. MOSES, A u b u rn, General Agents. To those w h o are Afflicted w ith Dyspepsia, W eakntfss of th.e Stomach, H e reditary o r Mercurial taints of the Blood, ve would say real carefully the ad- vertisem e n t o f “ JBacli’s A m erican Compound” in anotker column. I t s k ig h character a n d recom m enda tion*?, m a rk i t as ffts §rcc?f specific for the diseases for w h ich i t w as compounded. A formula? is b eing furnish e d to Physicians, w h ich takes away the objection to or dinary patent medicines, secresy. A U B U R N - C I T Y D I R E C T O R Y . T i m e of* C l o s i n g t l i e M a i l s . F ib s t E a s t e r s M a il for Syracuse, Utica, A lbany and N ew York, will be closed daily, except Sundays, at S . 1 S o'clock, A - 21.. S ecoxd E astekx M a il fo r all Offices E a s t, a t 1.4:3 o'clock 1*. i l l . T h ir d E a s t e r s M a i l T rain fo r A lbany a n d E a s tern States. 8 . 0 0 o’clock P . J>I. F iust W estern M ail for Geneva, Canandaigua, Roch ester, Buffilo, and W estern States, w ill be closed daily, except Sundays, a t 7 . 0 8 o’clock a . m. S econd W ester n M a il for all Offices W est, a t 5 . 3 5 o’clock p. M. Kelloggsville Mail, daily, except Sundays, at 12.30 p. M. Ith a c a Mail, via Fleming, daily, except Sundays, 7.00 a . m . Ith a c a Mail, v ia Cayuga L ake, “ “ 7.08 a . m . W o lcott Mail, daily, “ “ 1.30 p . m . P o r t Byron Mail, daily, “ “ 2.00 p . m . M oravia Mail, daily, “ “ 7.00 a . m . Skaneateles Mail, daily, “ “ 6.00 a . m . Cortland v ia Moravia, T uesdays, T h u rsdays and Saturdays, a t 7.00 a . m . Oswego Mail, via Cato, Mondays, W ednesdays and Fridays, 6.00 A M. Oswego Mail, via Sterling, Mondays W ednes days and Fridays, . . . ‘2.00 p . m . A u relius Mail on Tuesdays, T h u rsdays and Sat urdays, 8.00 A.M. South Lansing Mail, on Tuesdays, T h u rsdays and Saturdays, . . . - s.15 a . m . 555“ Office o p en daily, from 7 o’clock a . m . to 8 o’clock p. St., except on Sundays, w hen it will be open from 7 o’clock to 8 o’clock A. si. and from 11.45 o'clock to 12.45 o’clock p. SI. E . P . ROSS, P ost M aster . A u b u rn, Feb. 1, 1855. T i m e o f C l o s i n g t h e E x p r e s s . G oing E ast , a t - “ W est , a t 1.00 P.M. 4.01) p . si . J . L . D O X Y , A gent . A r r i v a l a n d D e p a r t u r e o f C a r s . G O I N G E A S T . No. 1. Express, a t . . . “ 2, F reight, a t - “ 3, Mail’ at - “ 4, F reight, at - “ 5, Accommodation, a t “ 6 , Sunday Mail, - G O I N G W E S T . N o . 1, Freight, at - u 2, Accommodation, at “ 3, Freight, at “ 4, Express, at “ 5, M a i, at - R a il Road Tim e is 12 m inutes faster time. 9.30 a . sr. - 4.10 P. M. 2..\>5 p . sr. 8.25 p. M. 12.05 A. 31. 9.25 P. SI. 2.85 A. M. 8.20 A. M. - 11.110 A. si. 2.25 P. si. 0.47 p. si. than A u b u rn A r r i v a l a n d D e p a r t u r e o f S t a g e s . Skaneateles, leaves daily a t 7.00 a . si ., arrives at 1 p. m . Ithaca, “ “ 7.30 “ “ *’ 5 P. si. Moravia, “ “ 7.30 \ “ “ 5 p. m P o r t Byron, arrives 12.00 m . Leaves at 3 p. si. Springport, “ “ 12.00 a. sr. K e lloggsville, “ “ 11.00 a . m . ‘ Montezuma, “ “ 11.00 A. M. 11 “ 2 p. M. Oswego via XVeedsport, leaves Mondays, W ednesdays and Fridays, at 7.30 a. m . A rrives the intermediate davs. Oswego via P o rt Byron, leaves Tuesdays, Thursday*, and’Saturdays, a t 7.30 a . 21 . A rrives at 5, the interm e diate days. *■ 3 p . at. “ 2 P. if. 1* o B a n k s * Open Daily, from 10 a . m , to 3 p. m . CA Y U G A CO U N T Y B A N K , G enesee - street . N . B eardsley , . resident, J . N. J dtakin , Cashier. A U B U B N C IT Y BA N K , S tanford B lock , N ortii - st . A ugustus H owland , Pros't, U-. XV, L eonard , Cashier. B A N K O F AUBUP l N, G en f s e e - strket . J . S. S eymour , President, ( \ II. M erriman , Cashier. A U B U R N SA V IN G S ' IN S T IT U T IO N , G enesce - st . 0. P. W ood , Secretary. C i t y O fficers;- JOSHUA BURT, M ayor T \ . I W . Gr. Sim p son, L. A. Padtlock, A lderm e n , 1st W a r d . I S. N. Smith, D avid Madden, “ fid “ j A n a C n rti8*, Isaac Lewis, “ 3d u D a n 'l W . T h o rp, W m . Skapcott, “ 4th “ F red e r ick P r in c e , C lerk. D a n iel A ndrcs , A tto rn e y . H o a r d o f H e a l t h . JO S H U A BU R T , \W A L T E R G. SIM F S O N, H O R A C E G. V A N A N D E N , C. W BOY C E , C ity Physician. pile Department. O L IV E R W . W H E E L E R , C h ief Engineer. R O B E R T P E A T , F irst A s s is tant C. FUKGUSON, Second A s s is tant B A R N A B A S IlA K E I t Foreman No. 1. JA R E D CI >X X X IN , “ “ 2. W M . HOW , “ “ 3. IR A S W IFT . “ “ 4- J . W A L D R U N , Forem an H ook and Ladder. The Aldermen are Fire Wardens in their respective Districts. S T A T E S T R E E T , N E A R . G E H E S E E - S T - , MANrPACTUBERS OF TIN, BRASS, COPPER, SHEET IRON WARE, &C., &C., &C., ■YT 7 H O L E S A L E A N D R E T A IL , and Dealers in \ V Stoves, Furnaces, Hollow W are, &c. Feb. 1,1855. [ d t w t f ] E X T R A F L O U R I A T THE “ PEOPLE’S FLOUR AND FEED DE- JA. PO T ” on D ill Street, may be found. E x tr a W h ite W h e a t Flour, Red w h e a t Flour, Buckwheat Flour, an extra quality o f Graham Flour from W h ite W h e a t, and all the varieties o f mill feed usually kept at a mill or feed store. A superior quality of fine CORN M E A L , &c. A ll o f w h ich will b e dealt o u t in lots to s u it p atrons o f th e establishment. T h e subscriber h aving been engaged in th e business for th e 1 ist five y ears, flatters him self th a t he will be able to please a ll w h o are willing to be pleased, febi C. A H U T C H IN S . \ O A I S I N S , Currants, Citron, Gelatine, extracts of jL i) Lemon, Vanilla, Almond and all the other articles used in p a stry, for sale cheap a t No. 99 Genesee St, By J K. W E L L S . A u b u rn, Feb. 1, dtf D E N T I S T S , A T T E N T I O N S A L A R G E LOT O F T E E T H , also gold and tin foil constantly on h a n d and for sale cheap b y ld t f J . K . W E L L S , 99 Genesee-St A B B O T T ’S M O N T H L Y , Knickerbocker, JA. Ballou's Dollar Monthly, Graham ’s, Godey’s, Peterson, H a rpers N e w Y o rk Journal, and F ran k Leslie’s Gazette o f Fashions for February, to h e h a d a t B A S S E T T & H O W ’S, Feb 6 Opposite th e A u b u rn Bank. N O T I C E . S E A L E D P R O P O S A L S w ill b e received bv t h e C o m mittce on Stiwts and Bridges for furnishing TIM- JB.ER. fo r reb u ild in g 3 Bridares i n th e O itv o f aLuburn, U'lffl b’xwbiY, February ITtti, p.v,, jqape of eptaff cation o f t h e sam e to be seen a t t h e h o u s e o f D a v id S ladtien on S o u th street, a n d a description o f t h e differ- eu t k inds of tim b e r to be used in constructing the same. W <> SIxrPSOM , I ISAAC LEWIS, \ Committee. D A V I D M A D D E N , S A u b u rn, Feb. 6,1855. d& wtd \ \ 75 X. I I . H A L L A D A Y , Successor to Halladay and V I Phillips, M a c h i n i s t and I r o n F o u n d e r , m anufacturer o f Steam Engines and Boilers, Engine Lathes, H a n d Lathes, Iron Planers, Sherwood’s Pris matic Lathes, Hutchinson’s Stave and Barrel Machin ery, Hogle's Patent Universal Chuck, Standing Presses (all iron) Ready Proof Presses, all the most approved paterns. Jo b w o rk done to order, w ith despatch. W o rks— B arber’s Factory, W ashington St. A u b u rn, J a n . 15,1855. dw& tf D E N T I S T R Y . S N. S M IT H & CO. take this opportunity to Inform . their friends a n d form er p atrons th a t they continue th e business o f D E N T I S T R Y , a t 1 0 1 Genesee street, overO . &.H. Carpenter’s H a t Store, opposite the W e s tern Exchange, A u b u rn N Y W here they will perform all operations pertaining to th e ir profession in a superior manner. D e n tists supplied w ith all londs o f D e n t a l S tO C R , a t the low est C a sh prices. Feb. 5, 2855. d& w tf S : PUM P S ! C O W I N G <fc C O ., E N E C A FA L L S , N. Y ., M anufacture over F ifty Y a rieties a n d Sizes o f L I F T A N D F O R C E P U M P S , B o th o f Iron and Brass, and w a rranted T h e \best i n t h e \ W o r l d . T h e y are Simple o f Construction; Strong a n d D u rable; w ill draw w a fer Horizontally, as well a s Perpendicularly; and a re suited for a n y location. Also, F I R E ENGINES, Suitable t o be worked by Six to Ten Men, and very p o w erful a n d Fffeetive. tSS~ W e will send C u ts or D escriptive Catalogues to those w h o address u s, p o st paid, febld& w tf C O W IN G & CO. VOLUME I. AUBURN, N- Y., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1855. NUMBER 2. AMERICAN POLITICS. Speech of Hon. W. P. Banks, in U. S. Honse Of Representatives The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union— Mr. B a n k s said : Mr. Chairman» In the speech of the dis tinguished gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. Benton.] ju s t read by his colleague, [Mr. Oliver,] it is stated that he, a t the last ses sion, intimated to some members of this House from the eastern States his belief that the movement for sending emigrants to Kan sas and Nebraska would excite sensations in that country injurious to the cause in which the people of the East were engaged. The gentleman from Missouri, now absent, made sueh a declaration to me ; and I wrote to some of my friends, who were interested in that movement, expressing his views, and my concurrence, in some degree, in the fears he entertained. So much stated in regard to myself, is strictly tru e ; and I have no doubt that it is true with regard to others. But there is another statement in which I do not concur; and that is, that the State of Massachusetts, and the State of Missouri, are equally culpable in the efforts made in the Territories referred to. The people of Mas sachusetts, so far as they engaged in the e m i g r a t i o n m o v e m e n t s , a c t e d in g o o d f a i t h . They sent to the new Territories of Kansas and Nebraska its best men j men who were calculated to advance the prosperity of any State, to establish sound institutions, and who intended to do injustice to no section of the country. But it was not with Missouri as it was with Massachusetts. Within a few days an official letter, a kind of quasi proclamation, has been received here from Governor Keeder, in which lie declares dis tinctly, that a public meeting, held in Kansas, for the purpose of controlling the government of that Territory, was composed of the citi zens of Missouri, and not those of Kansas; and that they did not come there to act as citizens of that Territory, but for the pur pose of controlling its institutions, in which, as citizens of Missouri, they had neither in terest nor right. They were organized for that purpose, and they seem to desire, not only to participate in the election of a terri torial Delegate, hut also manifest a deter mination to influence the Governor in the performance of his executive duties. These are his words: “ T h e meeting was not of the ‘citizens of Kansas,’ as your proceedings will show, if you will produce them. It was a meeting composed mainly o f citizens of Missouri. and a few of the citizens of Kansas. Your own body, whom I am now addressing, con tains two undoubted residents of Missouri , one o f whom is your chairman, who resides with his fam ily, in the town of Liberty, Mis souri, as he has done f o r years, and whose only attempt at a residence in Kansas cons’sts of a card nailed to a tree, upon ground long since occupied by other settlers, who have built and lived upon the claim. The president of your meeting was Mr. John Dougherty, a resident, and large landholder- in Clay county, Missouri, as he has stated to me since the meeting, and will not hesitate to state again, as he is a high-minded and honorable man, above all concealment or dis guise. The gentlemen principally composing your meeting came from across the river, thronging the road from the ferry to the town, on horseback, and in wagons, in num bers variously estimated by different per sons, at fr o m two hundred to three hundred ; and after the meeting was over, they return ed lo their homes in the State, of Missouri. These are facts as notorious here as any pub lic occurrence can be, and every man who had eyes lo see, and ears to hear, is cogui- zant of them.” No sueh charge has been made, or can he made, against emigrants from Massachusetts, They neither attempted nor desired to inter fere with the political affairs of any other State or Territory, exeept that in which they had planted themselves as settlers. They have done for those Territories exactly what the citizens of Massachusetts have done since the commencement of the history af this coun try—they contributed what was in their power to the settlement of new territory with intelligent, honorable, and brave men. So much their duty required of them, and so much only have they (lone. Those who de sire to promote the prosperity of Kansas will never regret the advent of Massachusetts emigrants. A l i t t l e w h i l e a g o . I d e s i r e d t o s p e a k so m e what at large upon topics introduced by the g e n t l e m a n fro m G e o r g i a , [M r . .S t e p h e n s ] — I shall seize an early opportunity to do so— but now coniine m y attention, as seems to he Pxpeeted of me, to the remarks of the I honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Barry,] vko has just taken his seat. I had not anticipated a debate upon the s u b j e c t h e in t r o d u c e d , a n d a m n o t a l t o g e t h e r prepared to participate therein. I may say, h o w e v e r , t h a t i t a d m i t s of if i t does n o t call lo r m o r e th o r o u g h in v e s t i g a t i o n t h a n he h a s given it. Indeed, it embodies the great q u e s t i o n s of g o v e r n m e n t ; i t to u c h e s the fundamental rights of the people of this Union; it goes to the heart of every nation ality 031 tlitj ia c e o f tiie e a r t h , a n d i t is w e l l worthy our attention. I do not regret that my friend has introduced it. I have listen ed to his remarks witli pleasure, and with many of his conclusions, taking his point of view, I might concur. But the principles which lie at the basis of political associa tions, and the rights of parties interested in them, are so various and so profound, that, in the investigation of this matter, lean well entertain different views, and arrive at con clusions differing from those which he has s t a t e d . And, first, let me comment on the propo- s i t i o n , n o t f i r s t in th e o r d e r o f h i s r e m a r k s , but which lies a t the foundation of his opin ions—that a man in the United States is bound to promulgate his political views. I take issue with him on that question. We are a people occupying an independant sec tion of the earth, with a Government of our own. It is a Government which springs from the people, republican in its nature; in which the interests, rights, opinions, and commands of the people constitute, not only the guiding, hut original power, and no man w h o d i s c h a r g e s h i s d u t y a s a m e m b e r o f th e social compact, who executes his will, and, according to the forms of law, impresses his convictions upon the political institutions under which he lives, is accountable for his actions or opinions to any other man. He is not even accountable to the Government. He is accountable to God alone. Acting in his capacity as an original member of that compact, not as a Representative, mark you, Mr. Chairman, he is entitled to that degree of privacy which is necessary to secure his natural, indefeasible and absolute right— the fre e e x p r e s s i o n of his opinion. How far he will m o d i f y that o p i n i o n a n d his a c t i o n , By cunimuniwn wiffi utliiT minds, ho has a r i g h t t o d e t e r m i n e f o r h i m s e l f . W h e n a c i t - zen of tliG United. States is called upon to vote for President, for a member of the House of Bepresentatives, or for any other officer of delegated trusts, or in framing the organic laws under which he lives, he is not only en titled to vote, uncontrolled, unawed by indi vidual or governmental influence, but he has the right to give his vote in profound secre cy. And that Government which shapes its material enfluences or statutes, so as to tram mel or control a. citizen in the exercise of this, his private, but absolute right, which seeks to wring from him publicity of his views or action, strikes at the basis of re publican institutions, and ought to be swept from the face of she earth. Sir, the right of opinion is the right upon which we stand. God gives to us the p o w e r to form opinions, the Government secures to us the right to act upon those opinions, and to no individual, organization or society, attach es the right to control us in the exercise of these high prerogatives. So far, then, I take issue with the honorable gentleman from Mississippi. I claim the right to form my own opinions. The Constitution and Gov ernment under which I live secure me the right to express them, and privacy, or if it please the gentleman better, secrecy, may he convenient or necessary for me in the exer cise of that privilege. The gentleman from Mississippi asserts it to be a duty to pro mulgate and publish opinions entertained. If so, it must be for the purpose of influen cing others, or that the individual shall be subject to the influences of others, or of gov ernment. Any influence except that which ligitimately springs from the action of reason upon reason is wrong, and no wrong can be a duty. If privacy of opinion he a right, its expression must be a voluntary, and not a compulsory act. Mr. B arry . W ill the gentleman allow me to ask him a question ? Mr. B anks . If it is pertinent to the sub ject upon which I am speaking, m ost certain- ly. Mr. B arrt . It is a pertinent question. I desire to know whether an association has the right to control the vote of a member of that association ? Mr. B anks . I w ill come to that pres ently. Mr. BARRY-. And I desire to know fur ther, whether the New-York Council has the right to make members of that council tell for whom they voted ? Mr. B a n k s . I will answer the gentlemans’s qucstiiin presently. I was proceeding to say, that I have the right to form my own opin ions. The Constitution and Government under which I live give me the right to ex press my opinions as I please. They give me the right to vote by ballot—the ballot is a secret institution; and that secret institu tion enables me to cast my vote in secrecy, u n k n o w n t o a n y , a n d u n i n f l u e n c e d b y f e a r of any man. I n c o n s i d e r i n g a p u b l i c w r o n g i t is v e r y well lor us. In the first place, to consider the power which perpetrates the wrong; because, b y s t u d y i n g th e m o t i v e s a n d i n t e r e s t s w h i c h actuate the perpetration, we can form a bet ter idea of the wrong itself. The gentleman from Mississippi has stated very clearly and, I doubt not, very conscientiously, that the association to which he alluded was wrong. Sir, what is that association? Who are its members ? The people of the United States. What is the nature of tiie association of the people of the United States which holds its meetings in secret ? I t is not an institution or association limited by numbers; hut it seeks numerical strength. It seeks, by its numbers, to control the elections of the country. It is, therefore, popular in its nature; and, so far as its secrecy is concerned, it is enough to say, that any association of men, wherever they are, who undertake to control tiie Gov ernment of a country by its numerical votes, has an element of popularity in its nature which makes secrecy impossible. And, so far as that is concerned, I will say to the gentleman, that I think he may relieve him self from fear of any considerable public dan ger. As to the Councils of New-York, sir, as 1 am not a member, and know nothing of their action or organization, I do not propose to enter into their defense. But I will say that they, undoubtedly, have the same right to control their members that other parties have—and that the exact limit to which their influence shall extend is always to be determined by the individual member who is its subject, and he has always an unlimited right of resistance or absolute secession. The connection of an American citizen with any p arty is voluntary. He makes it and he ends it. The beginning and the end being his own work, it is his fault if, between these extremes, his rights or privileges are in any degree impaired. Sir, the gentleman from Mississippi allu ded to the class of people who compose that organization, and I have no doubt he has sta ted the facts correctly, for ho has evidently given the subject some consideration. Who are the p e o p l e w h o c o m p o s e this organization ? He says that in one section men belong to it who have been connected with the Whig par ty, and in another men belong who have been connected with the Democratic party. All this is, no doubt, very true and reasona ble. These men have left their old partisan organizations for reasons satisfactory to themselves, and which neither you nor I have the right to question. I have no doubt that every member of this association in Mississippi has his reasons for becomftg such, and I have no doubt that the same is true in Massachusetts. I can very well con ceive that there may be different views of the necessities under which men act. I can conceive that there may be reasons why a body of men—a large body of men—if you please, a majority of the citizens Of any or every State in the Union, should leave the political organizations with which they have heretofore been connected, and form new or ganizations for themselves. There may he necessities which drive men to such political actiou and which justify them in it. A n d n a w o r d a s t o s u c h n e c e s s i t i e s . — I speak of them by way of illustration, and not to cast any aspersion, or make any com plaint. But, there are influences which have been exercised upon the citizens of this c o u n t r y , n o t in c o n s o n a n c e w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f our institutions, and which, not only call for, but which justify the resistance of political organizations. The United States Bank controversy was of this character, and there a r e others, of immediate as well as pressing concern, and to them I propose for a moment, to address myself. Sir, political power, what is it 1 It should he the independent and intelligent action of the citizens of a State. But men will be influ enced by other men, and properly enough.— M o r a l a n d in t e l l e c t u a l s u p e r i o r i t y , th e w i s - dom that varied attainments and experience convey, will always have their influence upon men. This is in accordance with our nature. It may also happen that political power and influence may be the product of wealth. Indeed, wealth may sometimes take such a form as to control the entire political action of a State, and secure an influence that learning or experience rarely confers on men. In my own State we have our share, it may be, perhaps, more than an equal share of the wealth of the country. We have ag ricultural wealth and commercial wealth.— We have manufacturing wealth and mechan ical wealth—all the product of the industry and the enterprise of our citizens. This is, indeed, a public blessing. But, sir, wealth is far more efficient in promoting general prosperity, when generally distributed, than when it aggregates in a few hands. It is better when in the hands of natural than artificial persons; and it con tributes in a greater’degree to the general happiness of a people, when it assumes the permanent form of real property, rather than the unstable, inconstant form of personal estate. Sir, I disclaim hostility to the insti tutions of wealth in any form. I will go as far to foster and enlarge its legitimate inter ests as any man. But, I mean especially to deny its right to govern, or any claim made in behalf of its right to construct or direct the machinery of government. Let me illustrate the views I have present ed by a reference to some of the causes which have led to the gi’eat political changes that have occurred in the State I have the honor, in part, to represent. Look at the city o f New York, f o r in s t a n c e , w i t h i t s im - mim* population,'having jncR'asiTl Iran lass t h a n o n e th o u s a n d . 5xl l<35-2, to n e a r l y th r e e - fourths of a million in 1854—a period of two hundred years—and with a wealth corres ponding to its position and population, dis persed through all Us veins. The city of New York, with half a million people in 1850, had less personal estate than Boston, with a pop ulation of one hundred and thirty-six thous and. The State of New York, with a popu lation of more than three millions had §50,- 000,000 less personal property than Massa chusetts, with less than one million of people.* This remarkable difference may be in part accounted for by the fact that Massachusetts has given existence to something like twen ty-five hundred business or trading corpora tions, whose aggregated capital would exceed §430,000,000; while the entire valuation of the real and personal property of the State did not exceed, in 1850, $000,000,000. In addi tion to the subtle influences of this peculiar species of property, which is affected by the minutest and constant changes of life, whose delicate organization is elated or depressed by every form of legislation, every move ment of public or private bodies, and, indeed, by vague rumors of the street, it has the un ceasing attention of those immediately inter ested therein, and the watchful care of ten or * , • R e a l Esta'e. M assachusetts, $ 344 129 952 N e w Y o rk, 064,649,649 —De Bow's Com. o f Census. Boston $91,764,500 N ew \ ork City, 187,315,386 —American Almanac, 1849. Personal Estate. $201,976,892 150,719,379 $64,595,900 69,837,017 twelve thousand officers or agents, acting in various capacities, paid by salaries running from the cost of bare subsistence to six and ten thousand dollars a year, who are natu rally intent upon advancing the interests up on which their own prosperity depends.— Such influences are sleepless, as well as pow erful ; and from the nature of the case, in a greater or less degree, they assume a politi cal character. It has, also, a vigorous, and almost irresistible influence upon the public press—an agent of power as subtle and viva cious, as irrepressible and energetic as the stock exchange itself. I mean the power of public opinion. Where such elements con stitute a principal basis upon which success ful political organizations are erected, they become irresistible. The harriers which, un der other circumstances, are effectual to check and control legislation, and govern ment, and political action—the independence of individual opinion, municipal organizations and interests, associations formed to perpet uate local or individual rights—are all swept away. It requires nerve to meet constant checks to business, to face denunciations of the press, to withstand the taunts of politi cal associates, the tyranny of conventions, and the flattering appeals of power—more than to brave death, when one has once in haled the hot breath of battle. It fills every av e n u e o f a S t a t e w i t h its p o w e r , and. re - morselessly It hurls down w h o e v e r d a r e s op- pnsefi its decrees. I m igrht n a m e m e n o f l o f t v e le v a t i o n , u r e a t men, who have experienced the truth of what I sav, in my own State.^ This country has produced few men superior in the majestv of intellect to Robert Rantoul, J r.. who died a few years since in the service of his country, as a Representative of the district for which, in part. T hold my seat. He was a man of rare attainments, and of almost limitless in tellectual power. Ills mind had the grasp of Hamilton’s, and the analysis of Calhoun.— His habits were stamped -with the simplicity of childhood, and his mild spirit with an al most feminine beauty. He devoted a life to. the study of financial and statistical science. He was foremost among the advocates of commercial and personal freedom; and he supported the monetary policy of -Jackson, at a time when giants only could tread in his footsteps. As a reformer, he was the Romil- ly of the New \World. His life was one of unequal, though not of fruitless, contest.— The diamond of his intellect broke in the effort to engrave upon the hardened surface of Eastern politics, truths, n >w smiversally received ; and he died, not without tears, hut. except by this House, and his immediate neighborhood, almost without notice. Such influences as these reach all classes of society. They touch one man in his for tune, another in his credit, another in his am bition, another in his religion, and another in his means of livelihood. All interests suc cumb t o ; and even the trenchant, blade of Webster was turned before it. We talk of the patronage of the Federal Government! What is it compared with such elements of power 1 It is hut a few years since we asked for a secret or independent ballot, in virtue of the right of every man to give a vote, not only uncontrolled by, but unknown to, other men. It only perfected the right of citizens to vote by ballot, for the ballot itself is a secret in stitution ; hut no proposition could have ex cited greater commotion than this. Other difficulties were not of rare occur rence ; that element of power which is now exciting such attention throughout the coun try, which seems to have hitherto held a bal ance of power in nearly all communities, and to have decided\ nearly every contested elec tion, upon a policy dictated by its leaders, was not without its power among u s ; and a recent, and most important contest, so de cided, has impressed a seated grief upon ma ny thousand hearts. I mean the influence of foreign votes. All these causes, some operating on one mind and some upon another, have produced discontent among men of all parties. It was not to be expected that ordinary men could rise superior or be wholly indifferent to them. Nor is it a recent nor sudden ebulition of feeling. For many years indications of re volt have been noted. New combinations have appeared and disappeared. One by one, men have abandoned their former organiza tions, with more or less success, b u t not in such strength as to give courage to the timid, or security to the weak; and the masses of men remained in camp, waiting only a fit ting opportunity to escape party drill. At length it came. In that mysterious manner so aptly described by the\ eloquent gentle man fro m Mississippi, s o m e b o d y constructed a covered way, a sort of subterranean pass age, a low browed cavernous avenue, by which men could pass from one point to an other and one camp to another, seeing no body, knowing nobody, and saying nothing to anybody. Sir, you should have seen them go. Eighty thousand men, of every pursuit and opinion, in the brief space of three m o n t h s , a t t e s t e d th e i r b e l i e f i n its efficiency and necessity. And was it not their right ? Who will say that the people—the sole de positories of political power—discontented with existing parties, may not, even in this mysterious manner, make new combinations for the transaction of their own affairs, and erect new standards of policy for themselves? Is it not their right 1 Who says no 1 Their justification stands not so much upon their necessities as their convenience; and who can point out a more effectual or natural method of doing what they have done—the transposition of the rank and file of all par ties into a new organization, excluding no body but the leaders, taking everybody in side that desires to come, and leaving nobody outside but the driver ? Who will say it is not the right of t h e people ? Does the gentleman from Mississippi com plain of their secrecy ? Is it secrecy that makes the wrong? Sir, secrecy is their right. It belongs to them. No man and 110 power can justly take it from them. What have they done ? As yet they have done nothing.* You cannot punish men for that. The gentleman fmm Mssissippi, I think, in> timated that there were to be some indict ments. and a friend of his suggested that a Pennsylvania judge had charged a grand jury against the \Know Nothings.” Well, sir, these men have done nothing yet, except to carry an election here and there, and that is not treason, even though a Pennsylvania judge did charge a jury that certain' things could not he done, or ought not to be done, or were criminal in point of law. Sir, it is the people who are passing through these avenues, those who make judges and district attorneys, and they will take care of them all. They will take care of the juries and sheriffs as well as judges. Let me again ask y o u , Mr. Chairman, if there may not he a necessity that would jus tify tiiis action, and its short limit of possible se c r e c y ? I d o n o t p r o p o s e to s a y w h e t h e r it was justifiable in Massachusetts or not. M r . W a l s h . H a s th i s a v e n u e jp>u hav<£ t e e n s p e a k i n g o f a n y c o n n e c ti o n ovith t h e underground railroad V [Laughter.] M r . B a n k s . I t h a s n o t . I t is a l t o g e t h e r another line of business. I own no stock in that corperation. [Renewed laughter.] Well, sir, I think I have substantiated my view of government, and of the rights of the people to act in this way; and now I call the attention of gentlemen here, who are in terested in the matter, and particularly that of my friend from Mississippi, [Mr. Barry,[ who has pi’csented the question, from his point of view, in a fair, manly, sensible light, to the fact, that in the first instance those who do the wrong he complains of are the people—the majority of the people of the United States. In the second place, nothing has yet been done which makes them amenable to prose cution or censure. There is nothing in what- they have done, or m what they p r o p o s e to do, so far as secrecy is concerned, which makes them amenable. If they do not deem it right to give publicity to their views and designs, that is their business, and they may do in that respect as pleases them. Now, a word upon secrecy in politics! Who made the President of the United States? The people, you will say, have elected him to the office. But who laid the train, to which the people set fire? Sir, there never has been a presidential election in this country which has not been controll ed by secret associations and combinations ; and let me say, too, by a combination which has no popular elements; which has no pop ularity in its constitution: which operates through a few privileged mem bers; and it is, in fact, such combinations that control the government of the country. How happens it that Gov. Reeder denounces combinations of men to affect the election in Kan-as who belong to Missouri, and who are citizens and leading men in that State ? Did it not come by means of secret combination and arrange ment— a combination and arrangement by which the rank and file were excluded, and the leaders only initiated ? \Who can under take to say that the next presidential con ventions* w ill not be controlled' by coteries of men whose only power is the secrecy with which their plans and purposes are held ? W ho w ill deny that it has been ever thus, or that it w ill be ever thus ? W h y is that criminal in the people which has been the constant practice o f politicians ? But I am for publicity as well as secrecy. I go beyond the gentleman from Mississippi in that respect. I am for publicity when a man assumes to act for other men ; but when a man acts for himself, I say that no man has a right to require him to divulge his purpo ses or views. If he choose to wear them on his sleeve, it is his right to do s o ; and if he choose to keep them in his own breast, and say nothing, and know nothing, [laughter.] j it is equally his right. But when a man as- : sumes to act for others, then, sir, he has not t h e right, a s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e p a r t y , t o s e c r e - o y ; and if tiie original power call Upon lnm for Hi development of his policy he eannot ■withhold it. I may say here, In passing, that the secre cy which this country has, in some degree, contributed to fasten ou the diplomacy of the world, is an element of power which is doing more to crush the nations of the earth than any other element of oppression. The five millions of men who are this hour in arms, under whose heavy tread the earth shakes, are not doing one-tenth part of the wrong to the generations now existing, and yet unborn, which the secret and false diplo macy of the world is producing in its effects upon them ; and so far as this countiy con tributes, in any degree, to sustain the secre cy of diplomacy, so far, I say, its policy should be changed ; and therefore I voted— as 1 think my friend from Mississippi did not vote— for an exposition of what our friends and diplomatic agents were doing in the Con gress of Ostend. Mr. B ayly , of Virginia. Oh, let that alone. Mr. B anks . Yes. if the Committee w il report soon. [Laughter.] Then I ask the attention of the committee for a moment, to the programme which the gentleman from Mississippi exhibited as the proposed operations of what he calls the Know-Nothings. I do not know whether lie is right or w rong; hut in a paper published in Pennsylvania, I read some months since an expose of what the purposes of that or ganization are, and of the means through which they intend to operate. In the first place, I did not see anything there about the naturalization la w s ; nothing of their repeal nor the limitation of the term ; nor any oth er matter or topic referring to that subject. The Pennsylvanian published the document, and it was copied in our section of the coun try, as a full, entire, and perfect expose of the purposes of the secret association exist ing in Pennsylvania, and having its ramifica tions throughout the country. Therefore, it does not appear that interference with the naturalization laws is one of these purposes. I looked carefully to that point, but'il saw nothing referring to that, nor to the Catholic Clmreli or Catholic religion. Mr. B arry . W ill the gentleman allow me to correct him. I read here from the same paper, the Pennsylvanian, and if the gentle man admits this to be an authentic copy of the rules of the hod)' ------ Mr. B anks . Sir, I admit nothing. I know nothing. [Laughter.] Mr. B arry . I hold in my hand the paper to which the gentleman from Massachusetts refers— the Pennsylvanian—and I find iu the oath which the member is required to take, the following sentence: “That you w ill support, in all political mat ters, for all political offices, second degree mombors of this ordor, providing it be neces sary for the American interest; that if it may he done legally, you will, when elected to any office, remove all foreigners, aliens or Roman Catholics from office, and that y ou will, in no case, appoint such to office.” Mr. B anks . I call the attention of mv friend to the fact, that in his speech he used the term ‘ Catholics,” he now reads it “Ro man Catholics.” Mr. B arry . AY ell, in our section of the country, Catholics are understood as Roman Catholics. Mr. B anks . I beg the gentleman’s pardon if I say that there may he a distinction in the terms. Mr. B arry . I venture to say that no other gentleman in the House misunderstood ine, in speaking of Catholics, except the gentleman from Massachusetts, who might do so on Know-Nothing principles. [Laughter.] Mr. Banks. I noticed the distinction, and I purpose to speak of it. I have 110 objection to any man of the Catholic Church, or faith. Here is our friend from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Chandler,] an amiable, learned, and eloquent man; I might be willing to vote for him, Catholic as he is, in preference, perhaps, to other nearer m y political faitli than he is.— W h at he thinks of the Seven Sacraments, or how many he accepts, is no concern of mine. To me, it is no objection, that he receives interpretations of the Council of Trent, as to the doctrines o f original sin and justification. It cannot concern me, and it cannot concern no man, that, as a matter of faith, any per son cherishes the doctrine of transubstantia- tion, accords the full measure of Catholic veneration to sacred relics or images, and ac cepts every article of the Nicene creed. Each man is accountable for his own faith, as I for mine. And, even though my name were appended to the declaration, read to us by the gentleman from Mississippi, from the Pennsylvanian, I might still vote for such a man, if otherwise it lay in my way to do so. But there is another branch of this sub ject. It is a current belief that the Pope, the head of the Romish Church, who stands as the Yicar of God, and is invested with his attributes ef infallibility, is not only su preme in matters of faith, b ut has also a tem poral power, that cannot only control Gov ernments, hut, in fitting exigencies, may absolve his disciples from their allegiance. I am aware, sir, that this is disputed ground. But it is a well attested historical fact, that often, in times past, the claim to secular power lias been made ; and I am y e t to learn that by the Pope, or any general council speaking with his acquiescence— the only au thorized exponents of the true faith— that this claim has ever y e t been disavowed. It has not been done 'in England. The power was asserted in England under Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, and it has never been dis avowed there, nor in !spain, nor in any other landj Catholic or Protestant^ by fll? ftllfhori\ t y o f t h e R o m a n C h u r c h . M v n a m e is n o t appended to the expose read to us here, nor d o I k n o w m u c h a b o u t i t 5 b u t I w i l l s a y that if it be true, that the Pope is held to he supreme in secular, as in sacred affairs, that he can absolve men from their relations with others not of the true faftli, it is not strange that men should hesitate in support of his followers. I would not vote for any man holding to that doctrine, and, I doubt not, other gentlemen here would concur with me in that feeling. And then again, as to our foreign popula tion. I hear no enm ity towards foreigners. In m y political action, I have always en deavored to he just to all men. I have my own faith, I make m y own creed, I stand upon m y own platform, and I have never y e t refrained from expressing m y honest convic tions, whenever I have had occasion to state them. T have been just, so far as I have been able, to all classes of men, and to all sections of the country. I have defended the South, as far as my conscience would permit, and I have stood by the adopted citizens of my own State, without any distinction of person whatever, whether they were high or low rich or poor. But if they hold, as the su-’ preme head of secular power, the Pontiff of Rome, and consider that he can in any case absolve them from their allegiance to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, or to the United States, why they have no claim what ever upon any man for support. If they un derstand that their interests are separate from those of American citizens, if they take direction from their spiritual guides In poli- From J a n . 1,1854, to J a n . 1 , 1S05, one y ear 399,523 1,790,313 89,515 A d d for em igrants arriving by land, five p e r cent. cal matters, and by preconcerted and private arrangements, form associations, and make parties of their own, seeking to obtain and hold the balance of power, throwing their weight first into one scale and then into the other, as they may understand their own in terest to dictate, they will force upon Amer ican citizens the alternative, either to make similar combinations against them, by re fusing to divide upon the ordinary maxims of party policy, or to abdicate the seats of j political power. A balance of power, under j such circumstances, is absolute power, and I the direction of public affairs is ill the hands I of those who wield it. | Now, I understand the breaking up of pre- I existing organizations, that were based upon ‘ the minute differences” of opinion upon past questions, thus throwing an unfailing bal ance of power into the hands of a small min ority, not of national origin, and possibly of Total foreign avriTa]a for 1854 only quasi national interests, to be the p u r - j Total foreign arrivals for 1853, - po s e a n d o b j e c t o f th e A m e r ic a n o r g a n iz a - j tions, that have been so vigorously de nounced. Of course I must admit that the necessity of sueh combinations to guard Total in five y ears—1850 to 1855, 1.S79.828 Average each year 375,965 Total l a e ight y e a rs—from 1850 3,007,720 This is without estimate of increase. The increase of arrivals in 1854 over those of 1850, is about forty-two per cent., and near ly eight per cent, over the foreign arrivals of 1853. Here are the figures: 1854. F irst q u a r t e r , ............................................... 47,976 “ Second q u arter, ia i 169 T h i r d q u a t t e r , ...................................................... 109’378 “ F o u rth quarter, estimated as corresponding q u a r te r o f 1853, 112,000 430,523 D educt for citizens of th e U n ited States as last l'ear. .......................................................... ’ - 32,000 Iucrease in one year, - 398.523 - 368,643 - 29.880 A corresponding increase of emigration for the next three years would make the aggre- against the public dangers, arising from causes gate for eight years, from 1850, larger‘than I have stated—obedience to ecclesiastical j the entire emigration to this country for CO directisn in political affairs, and the silent assmption of that position which gives to a small number of men a despotic balance of p o w e r — is d e n ie d . B u t X h e s i t a t e n o t t o sa y that, in my own State, many thousand peo p l e e n t e r t a i n th e b e l i e f t h a t t h e r e i s c a u s e o f fear, a n d ra y e x p e r i e n c e i n its re c e n t p o l i t i cal history forces upon me a participation in t h a t co n v ictio n . I repeat, sir. I hear no hostility to for eigners, as such, and I desire to do them no wrong. I am honored with the friendship of one among my colleagues it ho was born un der the jurisdiction of Great Britain—a man eminent in his profession, distinguished by attainments that would do honor to any statesman, whose character gives to him pow- years, from 1790 to 1850. And has this em igration reached its head ? Who can say that ? Look at the condition of Eastern and ’W e s t e r n E u r o p e , o f A s i a , o f C h i n a ! T h e e a r t k s h a k e s u n d e r t h e h e a v 3 r i r e a d o f m o r e than five millions armed men, and erery State is s u b j e c t e d to t h e g e n e r a l s c o u r g e o f a c t u a l or impending war. Who are to bear its ac cumulating burdens ? England must draw upon her resources, present or future, at the rate of a hundred millions sterling per an num, and other States will be weighed down by every species of contribution, assessment and excise. And it is for a war of indefinite duration, unless terminated by treaties of peace, that will annihilate, rightfully, inde pendent States, and divide Europe anew er both to serve and adorn every circle of j among its great sovereigns. What are ** ' ' the people of the Old World to do ? They have but one course. They must hear the onerous and increasing burdens of war, or shoulder the musket and brave the dangers battle. There is no alternative. In Great of Britain, France, Turkey, or Russia—in Aus tria, Prussia, or Germany—there is no alter native. But emigration presents an avenue of es cape from the evils of actual or impending war. Where shall they go ? To Canada ?— To unstable Mexico ? To South America ?— ' They will come to the United States. The throe and a quarter millions of foreign-born people, and their descendants here, have so many heart-strings out to draw their kith and kin to the New W orld.' Our country begins to he known abroad. The most favor able account of this country, lately published, was written by a gentleman, who ten years since asked an American liow it was possible he, who had seen Europe, could live in Ameri ca? They begin to feel that America is the only land where men can reach their true standard of greatuess. Our institutions are debated by the light of every camp-fire and hearth-stone on the face of the earth. The excited imaginations of distressed and heart broken men, invest that liberty we actually enjoy, with the attributes of an almost fabu lous and impossible prosperity and freedom. When one State is exhausted another is opened. How is it possible that emigration can have reached its head ? Who can doubt its increase ; or, that it may even, in our time, be doubled ? Look to the East, to China, India, Japan, w i t h th e i r six h u n d r e d m illio n s of p e o p le, of ten without employment or subsistence.— They have already an idea of the institutions and capacity of the American continet. The Chinese, whose emigration has been limited lo Japan, now seek the United States and the islands of our southern seas. They are already upon the Pacific coast. Thirty or forty thousand are in California ; and when we are, by steamships, within ten or twelve days sail of their crowded empires, who can prophesy the extent of this new and unantic ipated emigration ? Who can can check its encroachments ? Not the States; that has been decided by the Supreme Judical tribu nal. W hat p o w e r is equal to that duty ? Not long since, I had the pleasure of read ing a letter upon this subject, written by a most intelligent Chinese, who was educating himself in this country, I think in New Jer sey. 'He says, that when the people of the Chinese empire understand that there are for them, among us, opportunities greatly to im prove their condition, they will pour in upon us, not by thousands, h u t in swarms like the locusts of ancient days ; that there is no power at home, none here, to stay them from our shores, if they but understand the nature of our institutions, and the resources of our country. Their empire is now bristling with rebellion and civil war. In times of peace, the Government has been unable to enforce its decrees against expatriation, when Japan alone, held out its allurements to them ; and now, when for the first time in a century, th e y a r e su b j e c t e d t o th e a c c u m u l a ti n g h o r - rors of civil war, choking up the ordinary channels of trade and industrial employment, in their crowded empire, it will be still more impossible. Shall we fend off with the bay onet ? No, sir, if they come we shall admit them. There may he legitimate uses for th e m , i n t h e e c o n o m y o f G o d ’s p r o v i d e n c e .— But, have they a Christian character adapted to the institutions of this country ? I ask the gentleman from Mississippi, whether we shall give to them the rights of citizenship, at the close of their first five years’ resi dence ? Or, are we to have another exten sion of judicial decrees, another code of judi cial fictions, that, in the absence of any legis lation, shall detei’mine what affinities of race, and color, and blood, make it impossible for men ever to participate in the powers of Gov ernment ? Mr. Chairman, how does our present con dition compare with the period of the Con stitution to which we are referred, when ten years’ emigration gave us only fifty thousand persons ? And what said the framers of the Constitution even then ? Did they declare that foreigners had a right to participate in the affairs of government? Not at all!— They made the Constitution proscriptive.— They declared, by a unanimous vote of the convention, that, after a brief period, no man hut a native-born citizen should he eligible to the office of President. They declared that the, public or private, and constitutes him an honorable and useful member of this House, esteemed here as at home; and I would as cheerfully vote for him for filling political itation as for my friend who sits near me. from the \Worcester county district, though born within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, [Mr. D e W it t .] But if my friend from the Essex district gave me reason to believe that he accepted direction in political affairs from ecelcsiastical authorities, acknowledged allegiance to a foreign ecclesiastical court, whose claims to temporal power were of un defined and doubtful extent; if he invested its heief with vicarious attributes of Deity; if he professed no fixed political theories, vo ting sometimes with one party, and at other times with another party, and always falling silently into the position which secured the balance power and a victory to him and his friends; if such were his policy, as I know well it is not, he could not challenge of me, nor of any man, support; nor denounce op position as based up the narrow and selfish prejudice against men not of native origin. Such is the distinction I make, and under the circumstances I have suggested, that dis tinction involves questions of great import ance. Can it be denied that there are those in terested in public affairs to whom this des cription, in some degree applies ? Can it be denied that the power to control governments in other lands has been assumed and exer cised by the Roman Church, that is so much dreaded by a portion of our citizens ? And is it not true that, amid repeated instances of attempted exercise of temporal power ill the last thousand years, it has never once been disavowed or disclaimed by any pontiff, or general council, acquiesced iu by the Pope ? I ask the honorable gentleman from Mississ ippi to point to any historical fact, from an authorized source, proving such disavowal or disclaimer. Mr. B a r r y . I understand that applica tion was made to various Catholic universi ties, within the last century, to assert such a power, but tiie expounders of ecclesiastical law denied that power, and affirmed their in dependence of the Pope in all temporal mat ters. I agree with the gentleman, fully, in the position he ta k e s , that any mail v\ lib is bound in such temporal obedience, has no right to citizenship. Mr. B a n k s . I plant myself upon the ground that the Pontiff of Rome has never, in any authoritive form, so disavowed the right to control the members of the Roman Catholic Church in secular matters. I know the universities of Eranee and Spain have disclaimed that power. The gentleman says that his Catholic friends have disclaimed it to him. So my C a t h o l i c friends have d i s c l a i m ed it to me. But they have not the right to private opinion, much less the right to deter mine the faith of their Church. That is the right of Protestants. The Roman Church has never disclaimed it. I am told that the Pontiff stands upon my ground, and that he has a right to keep his own affairs to himself. Undoubtedly he can do as he pleas es in Rome, where he lias political power; but he cannot in the United Stales, where he has no political jurisdiction. Now, sir, as to the subject of naturaliza tion, to which the attention of the comqjittee has been directed, not so much by members of the new party, as by other gentlemen, for certainly, so far as this session of Congress is concerned, those gentlemen who have dis tinctly presented it lor legislative action, have especially disclaimed that connection. # I desire to call the attention of the com mittee to the present condition of the coun try, as it regards emigration, and to contrast its results with that period when the Con stitution and the early statutes of naturali zation were adopted. Then the emigration from abroad, according to the estimate of Professor Tucker, was at the rate of five thousand per annum. It was said by Roger Sherman, in the convention 'th a t framed the Constitution, speaking for Connecticut, than which no State was more liberal to citizens of foreign .States, that “ the United States had never invited foreigners here, nor pledged their faith that they should enjoy equal priv ileges with native citizens.” But, it is just to say, that the country had been opened to them, through the legislation of the several States, and they came a t the rate of five thousand each year. Look, now, at the returns made to us of European emigration. Within the present year, the last quarter of which has not y e t ! nine Years citizenship should he required to expired, the foreign emigration will amount ' make a man eligible to the Senate, and seven ' years to the House of Representatives. They took from the States the power to confer cit izenship, which the States then exercised.— There is nothing to show that they enter tained the idea advanced here, that foreign ers had a right to participate in the highest prerogatives of government. It was made a It was a privilege to very nearly four hundred thousand per sons. I have no complaint to make of this. It is enough to say that it is so ordered by Providence. I would not shut down this swelling tide of emigration had I the power, if it came only to add to the industry and prosperity of the country. Let me call at- , - r tention, however, to a single fact. Since ! question of expediency. 18-30, there have been arrivals, from foreign I conferred, ports, to the number of one million eight: The same cautidn runs through all our h u n d r e d a n d s e v e n ty - n i n e th o u s a n d p e r s o n s , s t a t u t e le g i s l a ti o n o n t h i s su b j e c t . T h e s t a t - exelusive of citizens of the Lnited States— ' ute of 1790 required two years* residence as making an average of nearly v'nite fiiin'.irG'l! a qualification for citisenehipi The statute a n d se v e n t y - s i x th o u s a n d e a c h y e a r . S h o u l d o f 1795 re q u i r e d five y e a r s 5 r e s id e n c e . ’X h e this emigration continue, without increase,! statute of 1802 required additional proof of fo r th r e e y e a r s , -sve s h a l l h a v e receiv e d , i n | r e s id e n c e , a n d re n u n c i a t i o n o f a l l aU e g iance eight years, as many emigrants from foreign to other Governments. The statute of 1818 States, within a small fraction, as came to ! required proof of residence by two citizens this country in sixty years—from 1790 to of the United States, showing a constant ad- 1850. The ordinary increase from year to vance in the demands made by Government year since 1850, would make the number , upon those on whom it conferred the privil- rnuch larger. They come to us by millions, j ege of citizenship. They made it a condition fn ten years from 1850, foreign emigration , precedent that aliens who sought citizenship will reach nearly, if not quite, four millions ; should divest themselves of all attachment to of persons. Here are tables I have compiled j -foreign potentates or Governments, of any from Mr. De Bow’s Compendium of the Cen- ■ character whatever. If I recollect aright, sus, and the returns obtained from the State 1 Mr. Madison, who was foremost among the Department for the present y e a r: advocates of liberal legislation for citizens of From 1790 to 1820, Professor Tucker’sestimate, estimate. 234,000 ! foreign birth, in supporting a proposition of 1,854,365 ! Hamilton, that eligibility to office should de- 677,152 i PenJ merely upon citizenship and inhabitan- 22o;i32 , c y , s a i d d i s t i n c t l y “t h a t w h i l e i t w a s a p o s s i- . ------------------------ Iro m 1820 to 1840, by custom house returns, *A d d fifty per cent, for persons arriving by land, F rom 1840 to 1847, b y custom-house returns, From 1847 to 1848, fifteen m o u ths to Sept, 30, From 1S4S, fifteen m o u ths to J a n u a ry i 1850 A d J twenty-five p e r cent, for passeneera ar- riv in g jjy land, N u m b e r of em igrants in sixty y ears, from 1700 to 1850 298,387 296,938 74,234 3,153.198 From Jan . 1, 1850, to m o n ths From Sept. 30, 1850, to Jan m o n ths From J a n . 1,1852, to J a n . 1,1853, one y e a r From Jan. 1, 1853, to Jan. 1, 1854, one y e a r Sept. SO, 1850, nine 1, 1852, fifteen 209,985 439,437 372,725 ________ 3GS,643 * T h e addition o f filty p e r centum for persona n o t enum erated in th e custom-house returns from 1820 to 1846, is m ade upon the a u thority of D r. Chickering. I t is a very liberal estim ate for th e period to which, i t is here a p p lied; but it is too large a num b e r to he a p p lied to the years succeeding 1846, as will he seen by reference to th e e m igration for t h a t period. A n addition o f only five p e r centum is m a d e to th e .custom-house r e tu rn s since 1850, w h ich i s r a ther an under estimate, as th e re tu r n s o f t h e Canadian XJov^nimept ehow neatly th a t num b er a rriving in th e U n ited States v ia Canada. hie danger that men with foreign predilections might obtain appointments, it was by no means probable that it would happen to any dangerous degree. Forthe samereason that they would he attached to their own coun try, our people would prefer natives o f this country to them ,.” This, certainly, sounds like a confirmation of the doctrine of the Know-Nothings ; and it falls from the lips of a steadfast friend of adopted citizens, who knew the services Of foreigners in the Revo lution, a t a time when the vast, unsurveyed portions o f the country demanded a pioneer population, and the annual emigration from abroad did not excoed five thousand persons. He had reference only to the appointment of foreigners to office by the people, and did not refer to them as even possible recipients of Executive patronage. There is a distinction in these sources of appointment that deserves to be noted. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts— afterwards Vice President during the admin istration of Mr. Madison—said that he wish ed, “in future, eligibility might he confined to natives . He was not singular,” he said, “in his views. A great manyof the most in fluential men reasoned in like manner.”— Similar views were expressed by leading men of the Federal and Republican parties. They placed the new Cunstitution upon the ground that, when emigrants ceased to be foreigners they were entitled to become American citizens. How is i t with the foreign population of our day ? The gentleman from Mississippi alluded to the flattery of foreign voters by Gen. S c o t t , in the campaign of 1852. But how was it with the Democratic party in that_ canvass? Where were the different parties of all the States—and how will it be with all the parties in the contest of 1856 ? May not they, too, go down on their knees to those who may hold the balance of power in that contest ? And a word as to this balance of power. Has it occurred to gentlemen how slight a power is required to determine the result of my future election ? Has it occurred to us low slight a power, skillfully directed, might have changed the result of any past election? And who shall deny to that party that holds this power, the patronage it demands ? How is it that so many gentlemen of foreign birth hold diplomatic stations at foreign courts ?— Is it because Gen. P ierce is President ?— Would not Gen. S cott have pursued the same policy—or, if differing at all, differing in degree only, and not in principle ? Of course, no man could do otherwise. May not the next man who occupies the presidential chair do the same thing ? I do not censure one p arty and excuse another, because the necessities of action are equally imperative on all. Now it is said tliat the foreign vote, and the C a th o lic influence i n this c o u n t r y is com paratively weak, and the figures cited, prove it to be true. But weak in numbers as they are, th e y are not so weak h u t their opponents may divide, and American citizens and Pro testants, dividing upon minor questions 01 policy, can easily give a balance of power to a party of diminutive numbers that eschews division. There is a difference between elections of public officers by the people, and Executive appointments, that hears upon this question. The appointment of foreigners by the Execu tive, must be obtained through solicitation of those who have most influence in controlling the body of naturalized voters; and success ful application hinds the recipients, if there he integrity in human nature, partly to the Government, butlargely to the parties through whom it is obtained”. On the other hand there is a kind of pur gation in popular elections, tiiat hinds a can didate to the public, and compels him to look to the people alone. He can share the favor of no other mistress. If the church presents a candidate for popular suffrage, she loses a disciple, or he fails in his appeal. In the Constitutional Convention, the danger ap prehended was from election of foreigners by the people. I leave it for others to say whe ther public apprehension lias not fallen, with some reason, upon a different source of pat ronage at this time ? Now, sir, I will admit that any change of the statutes of naturalization will not obvi ate this objectionable feature in our system of Government. A power already exists that is sufficient to produce these results, if directed to that end. In the almost perfect equipoise of the great American parties, a very small number of men, untrammeled by declared opinions, can determine the result of any election. The election of 1852, is not a fair illustration, because of the general unanimity of political sentiment in that year. But a change of less than thirty-nine thou sand votes, out of an aggregate of over three millions, would have elected General Scott, instead of General Pierce. A change of one hundred a n d th i r t e e n v o t e s would h a v e giv en General Scott every electoral vote, and a change of one hundred and twenty-five thou sand votes would have given lo General Pierce every vote General Scott received, and to General Scott every vote General Pierce recived. In the election of 1848. less than eighty thousand votes would have changed the vote of every State of the Un ion, except that of New York, giving to gen eral Taylor the votes received by General Cass, and the vote of General Gass to Gener al Taylor. And a change of less than twen- ty-live thousand voles in four States would have elected General Cass, instead of Gener al Taylor. Tf, iu the enthusiasm and heat of American politics, there is any party that is cool enough, as is suspected and charged, de liberately to project and execute a plan that shall secure an absolute balance of power between the great parties, the remedy, the only remedy, must be for the people to ab stain from division upon ordinary questions, as against that party. If it he true that any considerable portion of the foreign vote has been directed with a view to secure this end, there are now votes enough out of two and a quarter millions of resident foreigners to effect it, were the statutes of naturalization repealed.* There is 110 remedy h u t that u n io n which has been described to us, and that, I understand, to he a chief object of the par ty whose members are called “ Know-Noth ings.” While it denies no rights to a mi nority, it demands the rights ot,a majority.— While it denies to foreigners nothing that belongs to them, it claims and assumes the prerogative of Government, which is, here, the unquestioned right of Americans. De nying to no person the rights of conscience, or the freedom of religious opinion, it estab lishes and perpetuates both, in placing the G o v e r n m e n t u p o n t h e b a s i s c o n te m p la te d b y the Constitution, and by the fathers of this Republic. It is useless to speculate upon the extent to which this power may be carried, should such a policy lie adopted. But I may men tion an incident within my own experience which illustrates a possible l^cnit. In 1848, I supported the Democratic candidate for the Presidency; and, being earnest in the canvass, I was sanguine of success. I was intimate with one who likewise advocated the claims of General C a s s , but who always said lie would he defeated. ” It was a tight battle, as every one know s; and none but very wise men knew its result until after the election. Some months after, my friend mentioned to me his prediction. “ How was it,” said I, “ that, while you labored for C ass , you were certain of his defeat?” Said he, “ I am J e s u it; and our instructions were to shout for Cass b u t to -vote for Taylor.” I ask no gentleman to take this statement up on the credit of any man. I repeat it, as an illustration of the extent to which this bal ance of power policy might he carried. Now, sir, I know, what I have said before, that a change of the statutes of naturalizar tion, will not remedy any possible evil of this character. The remedy for that I have allu ded to. But the revision of these statutes may be pressed upon our attention, by the example of repeated revisions and amend ments made by our predecessor; by the ex tent to which the emigration of that class of people, who are of unexceptionable personal character, has been carried; by the increased number of convicts and paupers of other Governments that are sent here; by the hitherto unanticipated emigration from the Chinese empire; by what we know of the past and fear of the future, and, again, that so m e a c t , of th e G o v e r n m e n t m a y m a r k , tiie period When an unjustifiable effort to control their political action was rebuked by the American people. These things, do not, in my judgment, demand a repeal of the stat utes of naturalization, hut, I am prepared to say, that they will not justify an extension of the term of residence now required, and a more stringent execution of the laws exis ting than has been usual hitherto. Wheth er that term shall he twenty-one, or twelve, or ten years, I leave for others to determine. The gentleman from Mississippi suggested that this was a land of toleration—of relig ious toleration. Sir, I go far beyond that. I do n o t agree merely to the toleration of Ca tholics or Protestants here. They have an absolute right. Every person is entitled to religious freedom. Toleration exists in France or in Great Britain, because, there religions are established by Government. Here there * The following table exhibits th e relation in the elec tion of 1852, in fourteen of th e States o f th e Union, w h ich cast a m ajority o f electoral votes, o f the foreign population a n d v o ters to th e g eneral result: Electoral S tates . Foreign Foreign vote. New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Louisiana, Missouri, Illinois, Ohio, W isconsin, Iowa, R h o d e Island, Connneetlcut, Delaware, N e w J e rsey, California, Foreig n population 655,224 303,105 51,011 67,308 70,570 111,800 218,099 110,471 20,963 23,832 38.374 6,243 69,804 21,628 93,317 43,300 7,287 9,015 10,938 15,980 31,157 15,781 2,995 3,404 6,482 749 8,543 10,000 Pierce’s vote cast m a jority for P ierce 27,201 19,446 4,946 1,392 7,698 15,653 16,694 11,418 1,180 1,109 2,890 25 6,749 5,694 35 27 8 6 9 11 23 5 4 4 6 3 7 4 258,548 120,004 152
