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THE ADVANCE, SEPT. 13, 1861. SABBATH TREASURY. 8 I* K K O H Von. Tosepli fllolt, AT XETUre HALL, NEW-TOM. ft is to me a source of bouncness re- joicing that the freemen of Kentucky are still permitted to call the freomen of New York fellow citizens. Traitors within and traitors without arc striving unceas- ingly to break that noble old Common- wealth from the moorings of her loyalty— to send her adrift upon the stormy and bloody sea of rebellion and treason where so many of our State are now being wracked. But thank God, neither their seductions, nor their machinations,, nor their threatening^ have availed. In spite of all their toils, and all their threats, New-York und Kentucky stand yet t>e- fore the world as sisters. The freemen of Nen York and Kentucky are united by the same blessed memories; impelled by the same transporting hopes, and animat- ed by the same stern and invincible re- solve to maintain this I'nion at whatever expenditure of blood und life and treasure the patriotic struggle may cost. Kentucky has not now, she never has had, and she qever can have sympathy with either the spirit or the purposes of these conspirators, who, at the head of armies, and made the recipients of power, are now reddening their hands in the nation's blood, She abhors them as Koine abhors ('atalinc, as Americans abhor Benedict Arnold, as Christians abhor the memory of Judas Is- «:ariot. That abhorence was fully ex- pressed in her recent election. And yet, in the very presence of that election, that overwhelming and appalling demonstra- tion, and, in defiance of it, there are even now traitors endeavoring to precipitate that State in the horrors of civil war, mmply and solely because she refused to follow a bad example, and sell herself to the IH'vil. Still, if, .like their political prototyjMjH of Central America and Mexi- co, they threatheningly persist in appeal- ing from the ballot box to the sword, then 1 venture to predict it will be found that the Union men of Kentucky still carry bullets as well as ballots in their pocket*. Sir, 1 wish that I had language in which to adequately express my grateful (tense of your warm and cordial recep- tion, and my thanks to the distinguished gentleman who has presented me to you in such graceful and cordial term* As for the slight services which it has been my privilege to render to our common country, they were entirely unworthy of the generous praise-* they have received. Had I done iuliuitciy more, 1 s-houhi have only done nn duty, and I should have been basest in my own Conscience and utterly infamous before the world had 1 dono anything else. It has l>een only at Ihe solicitation of the distinguished gentlemen from the Chamber of Com- merce that I have presented myself be- fore you tonight, and it was with a dis- tinct understanding on my part thnt I should not inflict upon you a studied politi oil harangue, or to elaborate upon those topics which occupy to so great an e.x- fcnt the minds of the loyal men of New York,— fully alive as ihey are to the stein duty which has been imposed upon us all. These duties are too well understood by yourselves to make it necessary for any reiteration from inc. A few points how- ever, 1 will submit somewhat in connec- tion with the journey I have recently made through several of the loyal States. I have everywhere found the most health- ful and encouraging condition of public sentiment with reference to' the prosecu- tion of thin war. I have now here found tiny feelinjj; of exasperation aptin-t the South. 1 believe that there is nothing but, at every point, u solemn determina- tion to uphold thU Government, connect- ed with a lofly patriotism and earnest fading whie^i I should in vain describe. Some brave men in speaking to me, have even wept in my presence, and 1 have honored them f r it. For, if a brave man may uot weep for the ruin of mich a Government, and of such a coun- try as this, where in there a catastrophe that can touch his heart t I find every- where the same feeling that this is not a war upon the Southern people, but a war for their defence and for their deliverance. If we intended a war^against them we might lay our forces in the dust and con ¥frm that our glorious institutions are a failure. No ; it is a war against a band of conspirators, who%avc opposed the Government and would destroy the eo try—who would allow no otatacles to terfere with their ambition. The pu mind no longer occupies itself as to discussion of the causes of thia* war. no longer argues as to the logical miscon- ceptions or the monstrosities of the doc- trines of secession. We now kuow well what secession was intended to accont plish ; wo know too well what it has ac- complished, and we no more think of questioning its treasonable character than) we think of enlisting in t|io cause ot Judas Iscariot, or showing that it wan one of base treachery. The providence of God, and the most sacred compact ot man, have made us one people. The ex- |M»rience of three-quarters of a century has demonstrated that in this unity of («ov eminent the people secure at once perity and happiness. The dismeml>ci ment of these States avould cause the t miserable fragments to be tossed on th« bloody sea of revolution and desolation, to become the prey of the spoiler, and utterly destroy the last hope that belongs to us. Equally is the public fixed in re- gard to the importance of this lyur. It is not a war of conquest, or of aggression, or of submission, or of passion or revenge; but in every light it can IHJ regarded, it is a war of duty. The struggle in un- doubtedly a struggle for National exist- ence, and so holy in all its purposes and in its spirit, that the pastor and the flock —those who worship around the shrine, or at the altar, may contribute of their blood and treasure, and follow out their duty as Christians. It is a war of duty, because in the light of our Christianity, no man can commit suicide without the perpetration of coward ly and atrocious crime, and that a nation which has committed suicide, which sur- renders up its life to an enemy, from whom humanity and courage might nave it. This is a war of duty, because we have no right to l>ear our fathers 1 names, and insult to a degree their memories, by giv- ing up the institutions won by their blood to l>e trodden under foot by traitors. It is a war of duty, because we have no right to bestow our names upon our chil- dren stripped of the grand portion which rightly belongs to them, and for the trans- mission of which we are bound, in honor of those illustrious men, to fi«*ht for and defend with our swords and with our lives. It is a war of duty, because it de- fends the principles of public law an<l order, and the highest instincts of civiliz- ation of the very nice to which we be- long. It is finally JI war of duty because we have assumed to ourselves, as people, the championship, not only of the ri'_jht, but of the capacity of the nice for self- government, and that championship hits been accepted by the lovers of freedom everywhere. And now, with the nations of the world looking down upon us from the seats of a vast amphitheatre, we have no right to suffer this noble cause to be striken down amid the scoffs and jeers of kings and despots. How anxiously, how confidently they have predicted this day. How have they longed for its coming. In the intense hatred which they feel to any Government which gives the control to tin 1 toiling millions, we can see their motive. How trlndly would they look on and see the Government that was estab- lished by Washington^ destroyed by Tooinbw. Twi^s, Floytf, and their fellow conspirators i What a record for humanity that would be. Fellow-citizens, I do but utter u truth which is painfully present to all mimts, thnt. the disloyalty which is found in our midst, especially nt Washington and in the Bonier States, has been a fearful source of disaster and discouragement, from the vefy beginning of the struggle. This evil has assumed such proportions and magnitude, that its correction now has Income a prominent duty upon the part of those charged with the Ad- ministration. Its prevalence has been mnrkeil by those treacheries and excesses which have characterized it in other lauds and other times. Next to the worship of the Father of our spirits, the grandest and the strongest sentiment'of which our nature is susceptible is the love' of our country. When tnat sentiment has been corrupted, like an arch from which the keystone nas been displaced, the wholo moral character crumbles into ruins The public and private perform- ances of traitors and spies, both male ami female, have been vouched for by all historians until they have grown into a H-overb; that man who will Itctray his mntry will betray his God. He will he- y his friend, his kindred, and if need the very wife of hi* bosom ami the fildrcn of his loins. Fellow-citizens, suppose you lived in I one ot those cities where there is a steam fire engine ami also a paid company to operate it; and suppose that your house W«M on fin), and UiU company itfnd the engine, having be*n summoned to the spot were vigorously engaged in extingishing it; and suppose that you observed from time to time, men creeping out from the crowd and slipping their knives into the hose, from which the water is sceu to Bpout out from all directions ujxm the pavement, how long do you think the presence of such miscreant* would l>e endured ! Bui suppose, on looking more closely at the faces of those meu, quite a number of them were recognized as mem- bers of the lire company, receiving salaries from the treasury to which you yourself had contributed, in the first burst of your indignation, would you not feel that their punishment would not be too great if they were thrown into the fiames which they were thus indirectly feeding i And yet, this has l>een precisely the condition of the Government^\ the United States. It has been, from the very commencement of this struggle, the precise condition of thu Government of the United States. Fellow-citizens, I know where an: those who # look with more toleration upon those offences which prevail among us than I can possibly do. Perhaps I am too harsh. But 1 must say thia: that the men who, in our own midst, give aid and comfort to the enemy, cither by furnishing them with secret information, or by advocating their cause, or by striving to sow dissen- sions among ourselves, or by insidiously dissuading our loyal men from enter- ing the military service, are more fatally the foes of our country than if they were in the service of the Confederate States. The power of the Government can do much to correct this evil; but much more can !>e done by the crushing power of public opinion, branding as an enemy, socially and politically, disloyalty, when- ever and wherever it is found. These men are, morally at least, guilty of the death of those who fall in the defence of the Government, just as much as if they had met them on the battle-field. In your railroad ears, upon your .steamboats, in your thoroughfares, in every social circle, disloyalty should be branded and blasted as a leprous and loathsome thing. And wherever you meet these -be it upon Change or in the social circle--and they offer you their hands, look well to them, for if you have the eyes which I have, you will see that they arc red with the blood of freemen, your kindred and friends it may- be, who have perished, und are perishing still on the battle-field. Turn away from them with disgust ami indignation. Fellow-citizens, I know that there some men—few, it is true—who do cerely believe that this Republic (the question of public honor out of view) could be severed, thnt a jjeace could be patched up, and that the two Govern- ment*, I hereafter, could live on, prosper- ously and peaceful as before. No more false or fatal thought ever crept, serpent- like, into the American bosom. You illicit as well tell me that the bont which has been turned adrift above the cataracts of Niagara will have a tranquil voyage. If you will go stand, as many of us have done, amid the ruins of the (Tumbled Umpires of the old world, und ask them, they will ail tell you it U a delusion. If you will go into the ceiu/teriesof nations and lay your ear to the sepulchres of those young, gcncrotifi and high-spirited nations which have perwhed timid the convulsions «f civil' strife, they will not fail to tell you, in broken accents, that it in delusion. Hut if you will not listen tot the voice of the pant, then go into Mexico and Central America, and ask the in- habitants of those; bright lands, who breath its balmy air und cultivate its soil of exhaust less fertility, living amid rivers, lake* and mountains of the utmost grandeur, and they, lifting up their bowed heads, amid demoralization, poverty and dishonor, will tell you it is a delushm. Fellow-citizens, I rejoice to believe— may 1 not say, to know —that the spirit of loyalty, at this time, dwells richly and abundantly in the popular heart of the North and West. But I do beseech you —you who have a deep stake in the pre- sent and future of our country—you men of culture, and fortune, and of moral |K>wer—I do implore yon that you will, by all means possible, add yet to the power and fervor of that loyalty. If that grows cold amid the calculations of avar- ice, or craven under the discouragement of defeat, our country will be overcome. What we now need is a patriotism that will abide the ordeal of fire—a patriotism that la purged from all selfishness and from all fear—which is heroic and ex- haustions—which VOWH with every throb of life that if repulsed we will not be stricken down, but will rise again, and under no circumstances of sorrow or de- feat shall the national flag be abandoned or the honor of the country compromised. What we need is a patriotism which rises fully to the comprehension of the actual and the awful peril in which our institu- tionn are placed, and which is eager to devote every power of body, and mind, and fortune, to their deliverance—a pat- riotism which, obliterating all party lines —which, obliterating, I say, all party lines, and entombing all party issues, says to the President of the United States:— \ Here ar^ our lives, here are our estates —use them freely, use them boldly, but use them successfully—for, looking upon the graves of our fathers and upon the cradles of our children, we have sworn to do all things—even to perish, but this country and Government shall live.\ It is such a patriotism at this, and such only that will conduct you to victory; and I rejoice to lielicve that that spirit has been everywhere quickened throughout the loyal States,. The capitalists of our coun- try have come nobly forward. Risking all, they have exhibited a grandeur Of de- votion to the country, which, while it astonishes the people of Europe, has in- spired the admiration and gratitude ot every true American heart. All honor to them ! They have proved that if there is much gold in Wall-street, there is more patriotism there. Not a Summer patriot- ism, which flourishes Aid the pecans of victory—but a patriotism which strug- gles, and sacrifices, and suffers, and is pre- pared to put all things at hazard, even in the hour of adversity and national defeat. Unless the people can thus be united, the sun of our national life, which is now ob- scured, may yet go down forever, amid storms and darkness. If all our great material interests arc crushed to the earth hy the shadow that is passing over that sun, what would be our condition if that shadow Rhould deepen into a night of permanent defeat? Is there nothing to live for but the gains of commerce <—~ Nothing but the increasing of our puns and the embelishment of our homes?— Arc courage, and manhood, and honor, and loyalty, and national fame, and the respect and homage of the world, noth- ing ? Is it nothing to live without a Hag, and without a country, and without a future for ourselves or for our childn n, and to staud forth, the base descendants of illustrious fathers? We might lay ourselves in the dust, and be stepped up- on by traitors, give up all that sweetens human existence, and still live on, as do the cattle in our fields; bnt our lives would be more ignoble than theirs. If with all our boasted material resources— if, with our known and acknowledged physical superiority over the rebels—if, with our clamorous and profuse avowals of devotion to our institutions, we sutler the rebellion to trample over us, I do verily believe the American name would become a stench in the nostrils of the world, and that an American citizen would not be permitted to walk the streets of European capitals without hav- ing the finger of scorn pointed at him. Fellow citizens, if I may be permitted to utter a word upon such a subject, I would earnestly count*! forbearance and patience in reference to those charged with the administration of our Govern- ment Before criticising their conduct, we should remember that we may qot see all the field of action, and may not be in a condition justly to appreciate the diffi- culties which arc to be overcome. No man can doubt the courage or loyalty of the President of the United States, or his determination to suppress this rebellion. To him, under the Constitution, the pop- ular voice has committed absolutely the fate of this Republic. His hands* are en- titled to be strengthened by ours. That which weekens him weakeus yourselves, and weakens the struggling country which we are all stn%gling to save. He is at this moment overwhelmed with mountains of toil and responsibility, such as have rested upon no public man in our history, and is fully entitled to all the support and consideration which a gor- geous and warm-hearted patriotism can yield. Fellow-citizens, admitting all the dia- courugementa which surround us, I have still an unfaltering faith in human pro- gress, and in the capacity of man for self- government. I believe that the blood which the true lovers of our race have shed upon more than a thousand battle- fields, had borne fruit, and tbat that fruit is the Republic of the United States. It came forth upon the world like the mor- ning sun from his chamber; its pathway has l>ccn a pathway of light and glory, ami it has poured Its blessing upon the people, with the brimming fullness with which our rivers pour their water into the sea. I cannot admit to my bosom the crushing thought that in the full light of civilization, in the ninetieth century, such a Government as this is fated to perish beneath the swords of the guilty men now banded together for its overthrow. I cannot, I will not believe that twenty millions of people, cultivated, loyal, courageous—twenty millions of the An- glo-Saxon race, bearing the names of the heroes of the Revolution, and passing their lives amidst the inspiration of the battle-fields—will suffer their institutions to be overthrown by ten millions, one- half of whom are helpless slaves, with fetters on their hands. TNo page of his- tory so dark and so humiliating as that has yet becifcwritten of any portion of the human family, and the American people had lxstter, far better, neVer been born, than that they should live and have such a history written of themselves. Ixst us then, fellow-citizens, nerve and rouse our- selves fully to this great work and duty. If it is to be done well, it should be done quickly. If we would economise both blood and treasure, we should move mightily. If, at this very moment, it were possible to precipitate the whole of the loyal States on the fields of the South, it would be a measure not only of wis- dom, but of economy and humanity.— Let us then have faith, and hope and courage, and all will yet be well. Fellow-citizens, I feel that I may have spoken to you to-night with more empha- sis and with more earnestness of sugges- tion than I am privileged to employ in your presence. If I have done so, you will forgive the freedom; I know you will, in this conjunction of public affairs, in which it has been my fortune to address you. If I had less interest than you—if I had more interest than you—in the tra- gic events in which we are placed, you might well mistrust me ; but I have pre- cisely the same. If this Union is disincm- l>erud,nnd this Government is overturned, the grave of every earthly hope will open at my feet, and it will open at yuirs also. In the lives of families and of nations, there arise, from time to time, emergen- cies of danger which press all the mem- bers into the same common family.— When the storm is shrieking and the la- boring vessel groans in every joint, all oft board—the humble sailor and the most obscure passenger—have a right to speak upon the great question of self-preserva- tion ; and even so. amid the heavy cur- rent of this National crisis, I, an humble citizen of this distracted and bleeding country, have ventured to lift up the voice of counsel in your midst, and I thank you for your most kind attention. Mr. Holt sat down amid prolonged und enthusiastic applause. — - - - * THE SIEGE OF YTJBffVA. \I will lift up mine ejea tiuto Ahe hllK from whi-nce cutneth my h«lp.\-^Pi«. cxxl. 1. Do you know the meaning of a *mje f It is when an army of soldiers come to a town or castle, and place themselves round it, so as to let no one go out or in. The enemies outside are called the besiegers; the soldiers in the town are the garrison. The besiegers try^ither to take Ihe place by *torm, that is by a sud- den attack, or to shut it up till the people within arc obliged to yield for want of food. If the garrison are brave men, and have provisions enough, they may'be able to defend themselves a long time, till some friendly army can come and drive away the besiegers. So it was with our brave countrymen, lately, in the India war, at the siege of Lucknow, of which I dare nay some of you have heard. And at the siege of Sevastopol, in the Crimea, the Hussion garrison defended t so well, that it was many months we took the city. But in every many sad things happen, and t often great suffering, especially the peaceable men, women, and ch* who are shut np along with the ga In the year 1683, we read in t that there was a famous siege of V the capital of Austria. Vienna is • fine city, built in a plain, with mountains beyond. It was besie/ a groat army of Turks, who at that were often making war with the r of Europe. They were Mohcmm and hated the Christians. When known that they were near Vienn Emperor of Austria fled from the and the poor people in it were left fear and distress. The only persor thought likely to save them was the of Poland, John Sobieski, and the entreating him to come to their he was a very brave man ; you must more about him when you grow It was July when the siege bega many a sad week followed for th Viennese. In hope many of them cr» to the Lord Himself for help, b tlwy were always hoping for their e delivery. They know that Sobieski would to them over the northern mountaii day after day they lifted their eyes hills from whence their help was to They would rise early, and watch first morning light, in the hope of the Polish army on the mounta' suppose the words of the Psalm never more exactly fulfilled. \ At last, September came, and 1 time the poor besieged people w worn out that they felt they mus soon yield to their cruel er But on the morning of the September, when some weary wa looked from the ramparts to the ma of Kalemberg—oh! delightful si^ the rising sun flashed back something bright in its side, am knew this to be the lances and am the brave Poles, marching down liver them. That very day 8< fought a bloody battle, defeat* Turks, and set Vienna free. Think what the people would fee how they would thank and bless deliverer. But the story may in, remember a greater danger and a <: Saviour—He who came down Heaven for to suffer and to die, th sinners might be set free from the age of sin and Satan. He was (• well as man, so that we can tnr \ Our help comcth from the I^or made heaven and earth.\ Let us our hearts to Him every day, ai: Him all we need. *' If God be for V can be ugainst us C ' GSSAT TRUTHS. .. . • TUB more thorough a man's ed< is, the more- he yearns for, and is forward to new aclrievmente. The a man is in this world, the better compelled to !>e. That l>old yout climbed up the Natural Bridge i ginin, and carved his name bight any other, found, when be had 4 that it was impossible for him to c und that his only alternative was on and scale the height, and find at the top. Thus it is with all climbing life; there is no going down. It is ing or failing. Every upward step another needful; and so we must until we reach Heaven, the summit aspirations of time. NONE LIVETH TO HIMSELF.— has written upon the flower that sv the air, upon the breeze that rock its stem, upon rhe raindrop that re the smallest sprig that rears it in the desert, upon the ocean tha every swimmer in its chambers, every penciled shell that sleeps caverns of the deep, as well as ur mighty sun which warms and ch© million of creatures that live in tn' —upon all he has written*, u Non HveUi to himself.\ PROPANKKKS8. -When you he one use profane language, you v wrong him if you conclude that only one of a nest of vipers wh carries in his heart; and although the only one that now hisses, yet e his turn, is master of the poor who i.s giving his life-blood to the:
