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E0B ma Vol. V. CAZENOYIA, NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, , OCTOBER 22,-1846. No, 35. The Madison County Whig, IS PUBLISHED EVERY, WEDNESDAY BY W. H. PHILLIPS, Corner of Albany St., and the Public Square. TERMS. 1 ? To office And mall subscribers, the paper will he furnished at the loWprice OCOME DOLLAR AND KITTTICESTS, Cash, if paid nt the time of sirb- ecriuiiur.—A 'piiyiueul bi jiwdn-in Pru4wegr *«o«f4 Two DOLLA'RS will be wvnfiubly charged ; or Tiro DOLLARS AKD FIFTY CENTS ^per annum , if delayed until the expiration of Ihc year. An a 'd- tlilio 'nal FIFTY CF.NTS will be charged to those who receive Ihe paper by Carrier. $5. No paper discontinued while arrearages nre due, except at the option of the publisher. 00\ Letters and communications addressed to the Editor, must be rosr PAID to meet w : th at tention. ADVERTISEMENTS, inserted at 81 per square, [14 lines] for the first Hires weeks, and SS cents fur each subsequent tnwrtftm ^AHiberal=discouni jnsde to those wh o advertise by the year Cassius \TOT. Clay's Appeal. From the True American, Lexington, Oct. 7. OUR APPEAL. They, who on the eighteenth da y of August 1845, rose in arms, overpowered the city author ities, and established an.irresponsible despotism upon the constitutional liberties of (his Common wealth, in justification of their conduct, ' appeal to Kentucky and to the world.' So be it. Le t Kentucky and the world judge. Whehlhc public peace is disturbed—when the Ijws are defied—when lbs Constitution is over thrown—and when by the avowal of murderous purposes, natural right and Divine justice are • impiously violated :—not the loss of properly— ntt-th»-'\«'wnlii»l wrong aiid-sufiisrini;—not eve n the shedding of blood, are to be weighed a lini ment : bu t the great principles of libtrty only ure tn be borne in uiind, whilst individuals however lush or Inw are to he forgotten. If it shall turn I out thai these principles were by ftie violated or [ tpilanjiercd,—then was it right that my house should have been rudely eiiiercTt-bypeTCnTtrt eiT emirs ; (hreaterinj; uie with. Ihc dread alterna tive of death or dishonor—then waff-it right that the.sick-chainher should not wake in the hnsoms ol 'tlie stern vHidteaiors -of-th. ofpiiyinjr sympathy n r magnanimous forbear ance—then was it right that my wife and cbil- «frea should for long days and nights suffer the trrrorsof impending ruin—then was it right thai I should have my properly confiscated—then was it right that I should he outlawed and exiled IViioi the land uf my birth, and the buried ashes i.f my own loved blood and ever cherished friends. Hut if, on the other hand, they, and not f, have dime this deed—then' \ii me be restored to the confidence of my countrymen—to the security of the laws—to the inviolate sanctity uf the home of my native land— and let ihefntic consigned nut to a iUuii's fate which is their clue by the Consti tution and lawfa of Kentucky— but live out their days with the reflection that the most they can- hope for in the future, is that their dishonored names will be swallowed up in the magnanimous foruetfuiness of comins uencruiions. In ihe Spring of 1845, I, in connection with some other KehtuckiaiH, made proposals to pnb- ifsh a paper, devoted to free discussion ancLgrad- uil emancipation iti Kentucky. On tbc.thirj clay of June ol the same year, t lie True American • was issued from the press : having about three hundred subscribers tn \this Stale ; and about seventeen hundred in the other Slates. On the twelfth day of August, 1845, the last number < f this paper was sent to about seven hundred sub scribers in Kentucky, anil nhnui iweiiiy -Revon hundred in TJther Slates of the Union. Thcee ks of theofficfr ^WHeh- and at Ihe risk of my life from Ihe exertion, I determined to confront m y enemies fuce to facp, and vindicate inv cnu«c at all hazards. At the |jCourl House I lliund about Hurtv individuals, in- rludinir a few who came in afier I left; iheir Tools are vi -fiteiulor foe is a t liberty to examine. That my traders in Kentucky should have run up in tins short space of ahnul two months from three to seven hundred, in face of all the violence and proscription of the enemies of emancipation, vol- iflnrmh^ without any agencjes, and without the dVstribiiiiiln of circulars or papers o n my part, I* a most extraordinary circumstance. And when we reflect that about twenty persons read the paper of each subscriber, making fourteen thou sand readers in Kentucky,\ it proves beyond uli controversy that the principles and lone of my press were taking a powerful huld upon the minds and affections of the people. The Democratic papers were comparatively silent. The Whig press was largely in ruy favor. The Christian Intelligencer soon raised also th e standard of emancipation. The people of Lousi- •vdle had taken the initiatory step for starting a similar piper there. A Democratic print of ihe Green River section, the m-ist pro-slavery' part of the Stale, had copied an article from the True American, slut wing the ruinous competition of slave- labor with that of^he_whites, and seemed ready to wage a common \war. For th e first time since the formation of the Constitution of the Slate was a political part ; organized for the overthrow of slavery in a legal way; and in the Uiost populous city in the Commonwealth a enn- didale whs announced ready la fight the battle upon the stump. A convention of the friends of emancipation was proposed'to be held on the fourth day of July, 1846, and met the approval of many able and patriotic citizens. The prin cipal movers in this cause were slave-holders: so alto were a majority of the readers of the True American; and the grtrtt mass of laborers, wh o are not habitual readers-of newspapers, began to hear—to consider—and. to learn their rights, and .were preparing to defend them,BO tha t all ihjngs moving steadily townrds Ihe-same glorious end, proclaimed that KENTUCKY MUST BE FBEE. \Previous to the issuing iif_the ninth uumBer of the True American, I was 'taken sick wilh the lynhoid fever. A lew friends edited the paper till the eleventh number'\was in press, in which was a leading article written by a slave-holder, ntlll Ihp following prlitnrinl written h v myself ' \ We arecallcd.once more to ou r hard and re- IDP .bsible task from a bed of long and painful illness. The enquiry has been frequently mode, we are told, whether we were living or dead, wilh hopes for the worst in the bosoms of some; w? are pjoiiiLiosay that the_man.dflesjri!U Jiy<v whom we would, if wixnuld.effect it by the mere exertion pf the Will, cause one'moment'sjjaffi 5 far less compass in desire his death. \To freemen, the disgrace alteuding our misconduct is, in my opinion, the most urgent necessity. 'Is -J^iliprdea^i -irflo ^uMn ^TeaA -daiiger.' ^Huw are you. concerned in these rumors? Suppose he should meet some fata! stroke; you would won raise up another Philip, if your interests ar c \thus regarded.'' It is the-weakness and disease in the Slate thai has forced us into our present position; .and if we should perish, the same causes would, raise- u p many more and abler than we in vindicate the same cause. We had hoped to see, onjbjs continent, the great axiom thal'man is capable of self-eovern- ciint amply vindicated . w-e. had no objections to the peaceable and hpnorable extension of em pire over the whole continent, if equal freedom expanded wilh the bounds of the nation ; gladly would we have seen untold millions of freemen, enjoying liberty qf conscience and pursuit, of resting under their own vine and fig tree--with none 10 make them afraid, standing upon a sa cred an>! inviolate constitution ol home, and, just towards all nations—such was the vision if the immortal. Washington, and such wa s ours. Bu t we are told-the-enonciation of the grealnnd soul—|uffues, sirring-principles of Revolutionary patriots was a lie- 'Hs 'tidiig. ttjturno. lo^fKaffirimiti wo .pro l a go back\ to the foul and cast ofl* rags of European tyranny tn hide our nakedness; slavery, the most unmitigated, the lowest, basest that the world has seep, is to be substituted forever for our bet- ter ,jT )ore glorious, holier aspirations—the con stitution is torn and trampled under font, justice and good faith in a nation are derided, brute force is substituted in th e place iif high moral tone; all the greater-principles of national liberty which we Inlfcrit from our British ancestry ar e yielded tip—and we ar e left without God or hope in the world. Whetuthe great hear tell of our land weep, and the ma n-of reflection maddens in the contemplation of our national apostacy; •there nre men pursuing train and' pleasure, who smile with contempt and indifference at their ap peal*. But remember, you who dwell in mar ble palaces—thai there ar e strong arms and fiery hearts and iron pikes in the streets, and pains of glass onlyjhejween them and the silver jdate on the hoard 1 , and the smooth skinned woman din ihe ottoman. When you have mocked at virtue, denied the agency of God in the affairs of men, and made rapine your honied faith; tremble! for the day of retribution is at hand—and the masses will be avenged.\ After I had written this, a ride to-fhe oflice caused a relapse. Whilst I lay prostrate wilh disease, it was told me a few minutes before 3 o'cl.ick, of the fourteenth, dsy of August, that there was 10 be held ai that hour, a meeting of the citizens at the Court House, in Lexington, for the purpose of suppressing the True Ameri can. I immediultly rose nniLdxessedmyself,and •tn-oppopirion to, the fpmrtnsirnnres uf my family, akrn down by a couple 1 in mv possession. All il it Jiienda and are now in my possession, A H these\ men hud grown from pol.tical opponents to personal enemies because of my devotion to the Whig cause, rxcept two, 1 a Whig' and 'Junius,' who were mllocnccu nodmibi hy fceluius of iciruge on account of the casligation which I had given iliem in the first nomher of the True American, for their menace of the murderous infliciiun of Lynch law. Aflera silence of ub.rtul'half an hour, E. Q . Sayre said, be would speak out just the same as if I was mil present; he was liir suppres sing the True American as libul.nis, by legal means. Henry Johnson, a cotton plainer, and the brother of H. M . Johnson, said he understood meeting was In have been rqually composed »f Whig* niid Democrats, mid for one he would lake no action cnnrcrniiig this Abolition press, unless the Whigs rame up boldly and shared the respnnsihil tv. Thos. I 1 '. Marshull, the apos tate Whig, and late b\hrul candidate.fur Con gress, said be understood this to be a public meet ing, ami was here by an invitation ; be held the True American in bis hand, and would rend what he conceived to he the cause of the public excitement. H e then read the article written by me. and took his seat. Up to this period, no Whig had made his ap pearance. D.JW. Graigrmw made his entrance; he was a Wing, hut wa s in a most lachrymose innnd ; avowed himself my personal friend, hut it the same time his determination to use hi* musket agninM mv life; he said this was a pn- vate meeting, and in this he was clamorously seeonded b y the whole mass. D .iring all this | „f time I lay upon ft hene.h, only nt mlerviils \being able to sit up. I said I was far from intruding mysillupon ally Bert>t'hu?h{ tllltl Mind undei't stood (fits was a public meeting; I threw my self upon their magnanimity ; I acknowledged I was in the midst of enemies, yet trusted I would be ullowcd to explain the nriirle read by M r Marshall, which, from his few comments, I found was utterly misconceived, and tortured from its true meaning. I uas promptly refused a hearing. Faint, and with bp s patched, I turned to T. F. Marshall, as the most chivalric of my enemies— a man uliiuii I had met but a few mouths htfore in this same Courl House, in ihe presence of an impartial audience of my countrymen, 11m! driven to ihe walls, upon this same subject of the liher- thsof men—a man from whom I had exlorled on open a vulval, \thul lie had (putting his hand to hn heart) the most profound respect for the gentleman and his opinions and arguments, so new, and strong, as tn demand his more deliberate Consideration.\ Who coldly rejlied, \That he had no more power here than I, being a single individual.\ J then protested against his con struction ofn'iv wriliiigu, and retired. Exhausted by this effort, I returned once more to my bed. But- feeling the necessity of meeting the vindictive machinations of mv enemies, 1 dictated a handbill to the people, (No . I,) which was taken down by my wife—explaining the of fensive editorial, and asking a suspension of pub lic opinion and action till my health would allow me to be heard. * I had hardly go t lb rough wilh tKis when my chamber was entered by T. H. Wnters, tny per sonal enemy, with the following letter: - - LEXINGTON, 14th Aug . 1845. CASSIDS-M. CLAY, Esq.—Sin : We, the under signed have been appointed asn Committee upon the part of a nuniber.ol\ l^te respectable citizens or the Cily of Lexington *lo correspond with you, under the following resolution: ~ Resolved, That a Committee o f three he ap pointed to waft upon \Caesius RI. Clay, Editor nf the '' True American,'' and'rrquest iiim to dis continue the publication of Uie paper called- the \True American,\ as its further continuance, in our judgment, is dangerous to the peace of our community, and to tlie safely of our homes and families. •ehy-request- would seek Jn pursuance of the you to discontinue your paper, and to impress upon^you Ihe importance of your oc- qniescence. Your paper isagitaling and excite- ing. our community to an extent oi which you can scarce^ be aware. We do not approach y«iu in the form of a'fhreal. BOl 178 rwc it t o you to stale, that, in our judgment, your own safely, as,well as the repose and peace of the community, are involved in your answer. We await your reply, in the hope that your own good jjpnse and rcrpird for the reasonable wishes o f a community in which you have many connexion? and friends, will induce you promptly to comply with our request. We are instructed to repurl •In this handbill I briefly narrate ihe circum- slances oj' the meeting, as here stated. D. M . Oraig being the only Whig present, I supposed a party affair, and'so stated it—B. W. Dudley and G'W.'IIont had not then come in, whn are Whigs, hut are said.to have been present after I 1 Itfi there. your answer Ion meeting, to-morrow evening, at three o 'clock, and will expect it by twp o 'clock P. M. of to-morrow. Respectfully, &c . B. W. DUDLET, THO. H. WATERS, JOHN W-, HUNT. I now saw that the union of which H. John son bad spoken, had been consummated, and that a portion o f the Whig party, sure enough, _were about jo .giye rue up as a sacrifice,.tu the riiulice mnde by venturing my life iti their cause.* Being determined die in. th e defence of tny hinh-riyhl, the freerlomof the Press, afid-the lib- erty of speech, I n\p|5ended this sho;t .appeal, to all true men ana friends of law ; and sent them to Ihe press. \ ^ [PJo. III.] KKNTOCKIANS:—You see this attempt of these tyrants, worse than th e thirty detpois wh o lorded it over the once free Athens, now t o enslave you . Men wlin regard law—men wh o regnrd.uH .lh.eir liberties a s not to \be sacrificed to a single pecu niary interest, to say the least of doubtful value— lovers of justice—enemies of blood—laborers of all classes—you for whom I have sacrificed so much, where will you be found when th e lmltle between Liberty and Slavery is t o be fought.?— Lconnot, I wilLnot, I dure nut question on which side you will be found. If you stand by m e like men, our country, ehuII je( be free, hut if you fuller now, I perish wilh less regret when I re member that the people of m y native State, of] whom I have been so proud, and whom I have lovtid so ruuch, are already slaves. • C .J<J ,.CLAY. Lexington, August 15, 1845. I immediately made preparations for th e de fence of m y office, warned m y chosen friends to he rtady, to which they manfully assented— wrote my will—and next morning sent m y camp bed to the office, as I wa s unable In sit up . I had thus made every preparation to meet these men of chivalry, wh o o n Monday ventured to hurl defiance n 't a prostrate foe. They had demanded of me t o give ihem an answer to discontinue my paper, or that after three o 'clock on that day my • personal snfelyHyas lostl Di d they come up to their—tlwetrts N-Kut Ihcy —Thny limiiil I was still able to drag my feeble body to the place of attack and rally around m e many brave hearts With five hundred or more \ unanimous\ men n the Court House on Friday, at three o'clock, ihey basely cowered, gave u p nil hope of n sue cessful attack, put off the conies', for three days, well knowing that heliire then, frdih\ ibe report of my physicians, I would be dead or unable to head my friends. They uhanrion the iccret con clave and appeal to th e public. On Saturday. \ A- -Kentuek-ian 12 —!!!^^ the (nilaiiwiiutoiy piece its appearance, anil on the same day they issued a long and lying handbill, signed by the com mittee, to the \ Prople of Lexington am i county ofFayelte\ Yet 1 bey send this wilh runnerx and private letters to the adjoining counties, call nig in the printed hills, upon all the enemies of liberty to rally to the \suppression of th e True American,\ but writing on the backs of the same, \ to Hell wilh Clay.\' Seeing that my handbills were 'relieving the public mind in this oumy and cily. and giving wa y t o llielrfears of heing entirely thwaried in their murderous pur poses, they issue another handbill calling for help f'ro .n ihe \adjoining counties,\ from the whole district where Marshall had but just finish ed a most bitter canvass, and where it wa s too well supposed that there would be many despe radoes ready for an y deed. In their pamphlet, they say thi's last handbill wa s authorized by ihc meeting o f Friday, which is false—the resolution as reported by them, confines their cull to \ the people of Fayette and city of Lexington!\ <p Finding that the \secret conclude of cowardly assassins™ had backed out from their purpose ol making \my pemonal safety'* \ involved in my aristier,\ and had appealed Io n public \consti tutional\ meeting, I told m y friends to disarm the office, and leave it t o the untrammelled -decision I then wrote m y plan of Ema'ncipation^d dressed\ to the people, (No. 4,) from- which suffrage. As minors, women, foreigners de nizens and diver s other classes of individual s are, i n all well regulated governments, for bidden the elective franchise, so I see no good reason why the blacks, until they be come abl e t o exercise ihe right to (Vote with proper discretion, should b e admitte d to the right of suffrage. • Sufficient for the day i s the' evil thereof.' The tim e might come wit h succeeding generation s \when there woujji be no objection on the part of the •w4vrty9»wtd-rw)re»-on-tho-<to<Ha'in<. of disqiinfiT fixation of the blacks to thei r being admitted to the same political platform ; bu t let after generations act for themselves The idea of amalgamation an d social equalit y resulting from emancipation is proven by experience to.b e untrue and absurd. It may be said by some, what right would a Convention hove to liberat e the unbor n ? They who ask equi ty, the lawyers say , themselves must do equity, and whilst the slaveholder s have rights, they roust remember the black s also have rights; and surely in the compromise which we have proposed between the slave and the slaveholder, the slaveholder has the lion's share On Sunday I replied to the Committee's handbill of Saturday, (in No. 5,) showing \ tei^-Wsehoods T -and ^erlouuc4ntt4heTO r -and- appealing to the justice of .the .public, at whoS e bar -I intended t o apecar if- -possible. Late o n Sunday night finding myself still more than ever prostrated, and despairing of being able to b e present a t the meeting o n Monday, I dictated this, last handbill, read ihe proof sheets a n hou r after midnight, and had it circulated Monday morning, fearing that if it was pu t off t o be read in manuscript it would be suppressed o r unheard . [No. V. ] The Chun <«u»'l/ (Ar 'i^uiEt ^jlf^' *^**' bled to-day will please lay before it ihefol- lowing communication: FEI LOW-CITIZRNS -OP LEXINGTON, AN D COPNTV OF FAYETTE,—Being unable from the stnte of my health, to be present a t your meeting, and even unable to hold a pen , ha- ving bee n sick thirty-five days wit h ihe'ty- pboid fever, I dictate to an amanuensis, a few lines for your consideration. Having been the unwilling cause , in part, of the pr e sent excitement in m y county , and feeling, as I do , respect for th e safety and happiness of others as well as my own, I voluntarily come forward and do all I conscientiously ca n do for your quiet and'satisfaction. I treated the communication from the private caucus with burning contempt, arisin g not only from their assuming ove r m o a power which would make me a slave bu t from a sens e of the deep personal indignity wit h which thei r un heard of assumption s were attempted to be carrie d into execution. But to you—a far differently organized body and a constitu tional assemblage of citizens—I feel- that it 1*3 just and proper tha t I shoul d answer at your ba r ; and as I am no t i n a state of health to carr y o n an argument or vindicate proper ly my own rights , I shall, voluntarily, before any action is taken on your part, make ouch explanation as I deem just and proper. During my sickness, my paper has been conducted by som e friends. The leading ar ticle in the last number, which I am told is the great cause of th e public disquietude, I have never read, because a t th e time it wa s make the fb 'llSwInjreJrtiTrctR: [No. IV.] Although I regard slavery as opposed to natural right, J consider law and its inviolate observance, in all cases whatever, as the -only safeguard of my own liberty and ihe liberty of others. 1 therefore have no t and will not give my sonclion to any mode of freeing the slaves which does no t conform strictl y to the Laws and Constitutipn of my State. And as I am satisfied tha t there is no power, un der the present Constitution by which slavery can b e reached, I go for a Convention. I n a Convention, which is politically omnipotent, I would snv that every female slave born af ter a certai n day and year should be free nt the age of Uventy-one. This, in the cours e of time, would gradually, and at last make our State truly free, f would further say , that, after th o expiratio n of thirty years, more or less, the State shoul d provide a fund, either from her own resources, or from her portion of the Public Land f for Hhe purchase of the existing generation of slaves, in order that the white laboring portion of our com munity might b e as soon as possibl e freed from' the ruinou s competitio n of slave labor. The fund should be applied after this man ner : Commissioners should b e appointed in each county , who shall o n oath value all slaves tha t shall be voluntarily presented 1 0 them for tha t purpose. To the owners of these slaves shall be issued, by the proper authorities, scrip bearing interest uf the rate of si x per cent, t o the amount of^the value of thei r slaves, and to the'redemption of said scfip.this fond shall he applied, principa l nn d interest. By this plan the present habits, of our people would no t be suddenly broken in\ upon, whilst , at the same timo, we believe that it would bring slavery to almost utte r extinction i n pur State within the next thirt y •yearn With regard to the free blacks, I would not go for forcible expulsion , but I would en courage, by all, the pecuniary resources thtlt the State ha d \to spare/a voluntary emigra tion, to such countries and climates as nature seems particularly to have desigrred them. - With regard to the political equality of the blacks with the whites, I shoul d oppose in Convention th,eir. admission to the right of '* The\ Kurt ' ivhiuli Ibe-fcrmsnns «wk'in-Wtek- lifie's and Brrrwh 'H 'attempt lo assassinate me , a few years ago, is generally believed to have arisen solejy from political motives of gelling rid of n formidable opponent. The system they imported from Scoit County, wa s t o bully opponents in the canvass or at the polls; and this game they were beginning to play quite siictiessfolly with the friends of Garrett' Davis, till the affair nt Russell's Cave ttfught them that impunity would not await them. put to press I could no t have undergone the fatigu e of reading such a paper through. Al though It was \read over 16 ine~af the time, yet I am fully persuaded now , that had I have bee n in health it would not have been admitted into my columns. But I felt the less hesitanc y in admitting it, because it has been my avowed policy heretofore to admit free discussion upon th o subject of slavery by slaveholders themselves, an d the author of this article is largel y interested in tha t kind of property.. Yfou have seen before this time that the course of policy which I com mend, myself, to the Stale, is widely differ ent, in many essential points, to this author's views. The article written by myself, and published in the same paper-.was written a few days after the leade r was in type, and which has also bee n the cause of so much dissatisfaction, the justice of which, to some extent, I nm willing to acknowledge. I as sur e yo u upon, the honor of a man, i t was never intended to mean o r t o bear the con struction which my enemies have give n it. I was pursuing- the reflections of my own mind, without thinking of the misconstruction that could be put upon my own language. Had I been in the vigor of health I shoul d have avoided the objectionable expressions, for by sharply guarding against the cavils of my opponents , I would best guard at the same time against any thing which could be considered o f a n incendiary character. I cannot sa y that th e paper from th e beginning, has been conducted in the manner I could have wished. The causa of this it is no t now necessar y for rtie to .mention. Satisfied, however , from past experience, (hat the fr^ee discussion of the subject of slaver y is liable to many objections which I did not anticipate and which followed in an excess of liberality, arising n o doubt, from the fact tha t I had bee n denied the columns of the other press es of th e country myself, I propose in future Trnry m-itrrinlly t n TPSfrieT thp IntitiiHp nf His- L«£ission. I shall admit into my paper n o ar ticle upon this subject, for which I am no t willing to be held responsible. This, you perceive, will very much narro w the ground: for my plan of emancipation, which I pu t forth a\ few dayr%g6Tt§ eTTfJe fffos't'efaduat character. M y other views pu t fortn ibere also, ar e such as I learn are not a t all offen sive to the great mass of ou r people. B y this course, I ejepect to achieve tw o objects to enable me t o carr y on th e advocacy.of those principles and measures which I deem of vital importanc e to ou r State; wi(.hout mo lestation and withou t subjecting the people to th e apprehensions and excitement which are now unhappily upon us. Yoa may pro perly ask, perhaps, why was no t this thing done before ? I repl y that I di d no t foresee any such consefuences as have resulted from a different course. The' denunciations of'the publi c press on both sides, I conceived, and am still of the same opinion, arose from the desire to make bftWi. parties political capital. And you will see also , when the excitement is worn off, that there have been~-mnny sel fish purposes sought tq be accomplished at the expense of your peace and mine by men who are professijjg to be actuated by nothjng but patriotic motives.' Having said thus much upon' the conduct nf.my pnper-I must sn v alsc^that mvconsti- tutfonal rights I will never abandoru TfeeT as deeply interested in this community as any other man i n it. No man is , o r has it connection, more deeply interested, in the prosperity of this State, than myself, You ought not , you cannot, if you are just fo me as you are to yourselves, ask me t o do- that which vou would not do. I know no t i n re» ality , what may be the state of public feeling. I am told it. i s very much inflamed ; I there fore directed my publisher, after the publica tion of to-morrow's paper, to exclude all mut ter upon the subject of .slavery, until, if my health is restored, I shall be. abl e myself l b take the helm. My office and dwelling are undefended, except by the lows of my country—-to the sa> p.ren inviolability of which I confide myself and propert y ; and of these laws you are the •oole- g -umrflittTv «*-- : V<m the power to d o as you please. You will so act , however, I trust , that this day shall not be on o accursed to our County and State. Your obedient servant, C. M. CLAY, Here, then, was as conciliatory an offer a s any honorable man could ask. I wrote just as I would have spoken, had I been present in a mixed audience, where a few were at tempting to hurry on the many to thoughtless 'rrQ 'rnpnlilp_;nfnmy | Hn H f tinan personally severe, in the True American, on some citizens high i n the confidence of the State, I bu t spoke the real sentiments of my heart when I regretted it. Hnd I, when worn down with disease, wit h n o friend of similar views to ^taml--bv--my-bedfiide—u-r+d- give me counsel upon which I could implicit ly rely, given utterance, incautiously, to Inn guage which might by any possibility be the the shtves , I WDK cause of disatie willing to be more\guarded in tho future Had I dangerously given, when incapable of judging, too much liberty to correspondents, who are not always the best qualified to know the effects of their reflections upon a commu nity surrounded by a large slave population , I was willing for the future to sit i n more restrictive judgment upon ihe freedom and latitude of discussion. Al l these concessions were freely, frankly , nnd in good faith, made to save my country's cause and mine. Kcn- tuokians ! Americans ! was not this enough ? Oh, no ; it was no t the manner, but th e thing—it was -np.t, |he words, bu t actions which they feared . \They wanted mo t o say. that I would cease the discussion of'the sub ject o f slavery, for well did tbo y se~e from TQ brief experience, fhat slavery and a free press could not live t6gether. They wanted me to nbandonthe-exerciseof my legal rights. Is any man s o base as t o sa y \ ought to have yielded ? No, my countrymen ! remember ing what State had given me birth—what I owed my country—what wns duo my sulfur ing fellow-men, nnd my obligation s to a just \God—Treplied ln^wofds which\! suppose d to be my last lo man, 'my Constitutional rights J xfudt 7itxs €r abandon-. 1 - But, horrible «nd fa tal necessity ! Slavery knows no t the Inn guage of remorse, nnd cannot indulge the undying instincts of generous magnanimity over a defenceless foe.* She had the d e cency to listen fo my appeal, and I nm told tha t tears stood in the eyes of many—yet th e deed must be done, and wit h melancholy ye t firm despair, she bent herself lo the task— and the press fell L and Kcntuckinns ceased to be free! On the morning of rhe~\18rh of August, George R . Trotter, Judge of the City of Lex ington, issued a legal procdss enjoining th e True American Office and all its appurte nances, and on demand I yielde d upthe keys to th o City Marshall. At 11 o'cloclToir sullen silence, ready to c!ic in iny defence,) —to ptibli:-h a manifesto to th e world, full of darkly studied nnd dnmnmg enluniny, in or der to shu t m e o(f from -.he sympathies of men and abate the horror uf their criminal avowal an d duslurdly rew -nei . They supposed, no dunl , that I would cither full by disease or iu'we, and, a s 1 der/d men. tell ro tale?,' it -\\i i.ld l.r> < usy t o blnCken tny tnelnorj, niul cover up tin ir ow n infamy. This IUM fini lung luuch wns need ed to complete the dink jmtruil of pcrpeluol 'siavery^lllul' Hitttikiwd\'lyoliiifg-uu ^MiMliisy picture of slnvehoMtng cruclu, wrong mid smootli-fncc h\ puonsy tnig-ht be no longer deceived forever! In this manifesto, nn d indictment, and ver dict, I am accused : I. Of being a n Aboliiinnial in its Southern sense—my Northern visit 1? imputed to me as a crime—and 1 a m deelured icturiung home '-the organ iind agent uf an incendiary sect.' - 2. I a m n rus\d of desiring to put into prnelical opeidtiuii th e i -entirtxiit of th e lend ing urtii-le of th e True Auurienn of th e Uth mffliber, W1K>H> I «ii *fnlmi tif u§ live scry author of th e same—' 'i lie Western apostle transcends if possible hi* mission.' 3 It is imputed to me a s n crime that I had prepared to (Wind m\ propi rty an d press against llio illtftjlil nuli'tim cd lire peeprcr — 4. 1 ntn accused of crime in chaiacu riztug American slavery ns ' jho lowest, tlie basest, the most unmitigated th e world hud seen'— or being a ' daring incendiary, hullin g his fire-brands of minder an d of lust'—of' res ponding asn haught y an d infuriated fanatic, in terms of outrage, to n CVnuniltce of gen tlemen who made n wonderfully mild request ' —and of ' denying ihe rit'hl of th e citizens to consult together on stirh a biibjert'—of be ing a, mad-man,' or 01 ' preparing himself for a civil 111 whi'-h he expyiied th e non - slaveholiling lAboicrs, n'ong wTh the slaves, to flock to his sinnil.iril'—111 rilling on tho laborers, for « horn 1 li ive sn.-r.lieed so inucli,' of summoning shui-s !•> un l.i Ip. 5. 1 nm aicused of ' nMackinir the Icnuro of slnve property —u f beiu? 1 a tie>puaser' upon slaveholders—ami ut puali.iig the com munity to exlremit\. Theso ar c cruel rhurgra, nm! i»>«l rru< ly hov«j they bee n aiensreil 'lime mutvlun men »era bcanf . InecT nnJ |.iiuT»TiriT,~ i.niv t^eifTg\ pun lulled, n ay I ye t hc'henttW* Willi r<\cnnl l<> Ihe fr«l ut rsntion • I am s o far an Abo I'lonlit n« r> n«in nn-n immei l (Ji -nrire Wnshinglwi niul Tli»nia« JifT '-r-cm. nm l i\me other ouch \ (nnnlics,\ wti -i gu i tugitlii-r In 1770 and CMimialril siunc srty ' in i.l nn.l iiieoiiilUry*'^ doctrines I l\l nwetl*.ibe miti.r Watliirglnn who, «nmo years after tlml mrumrab e event , do- elnreil thai si> fni a s lu« WHO ( \ii'il K\ towards the aboluioi i nf uliivarv, it tlmiilil u«\er b o want ing The lame Wn-I.inglun, »l sthne liino sub sequent, liliernleil ft I In) » ii>i« , I \\m \ fiina'.iu\ pnouijh tn follow Wn M.Hun ami example, ami no'jlil lime oilier* do tike»i<e, ilmiUinif it belter lo be jolt (linn rich On ilie . ll.er l.uml, 1 am op posed t o Ihe vuihilinii nl law in i»ny re «|>Prt, I'Uhrr f«r th e |iiir|mnc of 'iberiiliiig n slave, or of murder ing by mobs a toynI eiii/.in. I look upo n th n rebeU nf Iho -lfaili, ulin bom deal h nnd arms i n fheirli/indu in order t o perpetuate sfatcry, as iufi- n.Ujfly lower in crime an d indiniv limn ihe\ incen diary »ect,\ if nueli there be wh o Mould u«p simi lar means In liberate th e slave '(JoiJ fi.rhiil that I o r my rnuiitrvouMi slum i| f»rm an nllinnco NV'IV\\ o r mlinut tn ilie <le«|>nniin of eiihe r Nei the r Iho Liberty pnrlv n» r Ihe (Jarrnonian* hold any such murlernus ilm lunm , they ar c monopo lized by Ihc \ respeelnbl c gemlen.en'' ol lh. lUlli cil Aii-.int Thn (!»rri«'iiiun .MmliliotiisU ur o the same day about twelve hundred persons assembled in th o Court-house yar d ; a Chnir- man and Secretary were appointed—a man ifesto and resolutions were reported—by T. F. Marshall, and adopted. A Committee of sixt y were appointed to take down the press and type, and send them to Cincinnati. The • ommiltee proceeded to the True American office, where the Mayor of the City, (who by law has the whole militi a o f the City at his command.) James Lnguc, warned them that they were doing an illegal act , which he was bound to resist, bu t that he was overpowered by superior force, and yielded up possession and the keys. After boxing up the press 'and type, and al l the- furnitur e of the office nnd sending them to Cincinnati, they report ed again to th o meeting'al the Court House, at 3 o'clock ; and afte r a speech from Thom as Metcalfe disavowing all connectio n wilh i Abolitionis m o n the part of the Whigs of Kentucky, the meeting adjourned. Thus on the 18t h day of August, 194.5, were the constitutional liberties of Keniuck y overthrown, and an irresponsible despotism of slaveholding- aristocracy-estn hlifhcd on th p ruros. They who did the deed. i'ullU 'digni- fied,' and ihey supposed that its dignity would \ shield.therrrfrom th e indignatio n and curses, of men, did they? No,-they were not so, contemptibl y silly as'that -.They found it -npcfSMiry'f jo-culcr la £ov£r^up. lhe\\cn.armity of their \crime—(murder cool and premedita ted, and only no t consummated because no re sistance wns offered, according to their own admission—but, in reality, because ihey fuuiid bupdreda-o£-brave mcji t • leok4ng-op-fo non-re <i«lnn!s , Ihey h o i l »iih O'L'nnnil l that to rcvolnlmn o r rhangi\ nf governmenl n «<>rlb ono ningte <fr«» « f t«iinan Uhuai.. 'i'iu- LiiuuLy .parly bold* th e (hu trine put f'.rih liv iheir < nnieiiiinti held at t incinnnli on the llih ihiy of June. 131,3 Tlip y »ny ol *l.i»ort\ \ «e helieip lint I H» renin- viil can bo efTei lei prurcnMij rnns(i/ilfi 'inn /fv, w-ilhout real mjnry toimv. ivn'i Ihe I»M-IIII-RI beno- (if (n a f \ So (f.H r if I ua- nn AfiriliimntM iri it* hronilesl sen*e, (here i« n o mine or i>.\iu'«c for any number nt re«prrlable gc'l.llemen lo como upon mo and mur.fer me. o r fr.nn| te npnn ihe t slilulinn.il liberty ol speech nn.t ol ih e preM — Tho W |n<;« e.ill ine n \* lu g I nr.ile In Ibe Al»i- filionictii on (he I tilt nf .fnoe n h-'fer | 'ih|i«l <-'l in the True Anienrrfti where I en I on »e f a W lug —Tho Ai m lliiiiuwl i at' in e a V* l.ig—mil th o DenmcraHJCall HI\ a U fuir , Iho il the print iplea ol' the Whigs nf '70 . \ eternal resistant e In ly- ranls\ —und n .l the renegades iipniiiiiii s mul trai tors in Keiiiut Uv shall nnl <.l,»ke me (nun what ever mpHsnio I ihiiiwe in ailvocaiej nr from what ever men I i-lionse In u l y myself V\ he n tny vi»il (n il.e Nort h is imputed tn mn a s it rrimi , anil m \nleil by prominent \\ big's n f Kentucky, it i> tune I shtui.it erase t o itiffur in reputation fnr their su lies and ipeak pniny to them an d tlie nation. Time afier tune di d I ie- Ceivc Ihe nn s i urgent mritatjons from the \\ higg of the North to I nin e an d aitl t ' o cause; ye t a s often du l 1 refnsH I ha.l a jrreal work tn perlnrm. nnil I (till no t u-ich In pare my oppnnonls n n Iho vanlHco groun d Km well did I knuw that uhM- ever houni s I noyhl receive til ihe Ji'urlli wnu d b o Construed b y Il.e enemies nf rmnm ipaiimi in Ken tucky into a n iilli.ii-ee « lib Abo 1 ioiiisui. When nt lns|, however »rri >u« nppr< Tensions: hesnn in lip enlrrlaineil thai Texas ooti d comn into th o Unio n uuh.-ils unequal representation, slavery, nnd national tliihonnr: I fe t it my duty to c» anil L'ire ant In Ibe rau«e \I my country i n whatever field nf battle «he_rn..eil nio. I w-ent hy the nt h ir o nf one of dm Central Cnmiuiilro fur Ilia VVJtigf ul Kei.niiky,— My »perml imitation from about li«y M ll'tr flllb s iif th e North — by the reiptesi before anil after my departure nf ftuir hundre d an d sixteen rommillee men, n present- fhj. i :uhs, counties nml conventions—by th e iiro- »(«( hie. pcmunsinn of fifty pftlriMio Wins; women of Ohio—and l»«l nf oil by ih e tacit a/-|rr>\^| of th e leader nf tho Whig party, rienry Cav. The day before I left Lpxiiiulnn, I rn'led 1 in* liuy llt-'HHL. | ll-H tji'MN'^mtl, III* Ifil uj' - on .>lr I'lay mul l/ilil limi the purpo*tl (if—my i»ll!tsion ; llint il «a s ihoiii;lil by t nr ffiendl that I could have nn influence. Irnm lev pern inr posi tion wilh the ami saw-TV, n/iN Te\as voters nf Ihe free Males, which no nlher man cmbl and that I was \villin2 l,.i en if | run d ai I 11 .«- W hit; tTnrsp- Mr ' J «y- #tw4 x«ll,inif, i.ut. jiutJJeJ lnj. . head, uith nn approving smile, nml nl!,r sunn Unimportant cnnversniitin hfr efTi-retl m e b Iters nf liilrtirUirln>ti. uliuh I det lined as imi.ecrccnry — 1 \\ briber I a n omp i-hetl anj\ gndl ihrre or not remnins Inr nllms In sny II Is enoiitjli for no • • ' * ... J\. . - . 1. I 1........ 1.1 il • • Ever y one of (hose handbill* was dictated hy me to a h nmonuensis, whi »( m v hands, and head were continually balhcd.wilh cold water, to keep Ihe fever down to n point below do'iriuin. Every relative believed I would be murdered on Mon day, and all but m y wife-ond moiherj»d»i«ed ma lo vieJdjJlfr (lift liberty of ibe press; but I prefer red rather to\die. lri \ • \>•». .• - - In know, if I wi-re nm t nniijjji to Rsstime hi n>y- •self cnntiileraiinn whuli belongs lo ihe vital in terests ubith were at\* ako in the canvass, that never did any man nf my nno i n ^America draw together so urge nnd intensely intt -reslin? audien ces. Th e groaltsl ifYtBl .ekt_.pf ihe nation, the greatest firalor of any ago, said lo me, \They liail rather bear you than mo.\ Th a most large- souled, ui \cnjj )praYfii »ing man io <(he Union w»t
