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k J e m o c r a t AND D E liO O R A tiC H E R A L D . , 43 = TIKRSDAY'lliORNING.MAIlfiH 7 , 1861 . r?ri tCS“ Largest CirctilaAonii Tow andCounty. -CB The N e w Cstbinet. TH E IN A W D B A L . W ith the single exception of the Declaration of Indepsndence, no State paper has ever b een! vyilUng that any one from the Slave States shonld President Lincoln has selected the following dbnstitntional advisers ; Socretary ofntate^Wat. 5t, SsTTAiio. ?ost Master G6neralr»MONraoMtRT S lAia. 4Sttom^. Oene?5^— ■ ‘ ‘ , ■ All of'thV,ab6Ve'1«i^Sre con;^^ the Sen ate, The votes were nnauimOijs for all except Messrs. Bates and Blair, four or fiye votes being cast against each o f these gent!emen->-tbat many Objecting to them because they whre lik s olition Senators 1 UponjelQS8.|Dspecti6n of the list of Oabinet officers, it? w*iE-lje observed that the Badical- Greeley-Giddings wing has seized upon the ' 'tgasury,'the Poht OffiGe,* andiheThteriof ■hus t 'monopolizing the|Gu§tom |Soases, P^Ost^^l^ceB, aand Offices and Census Bureaux. • ‘ it. presented to the American People of greater importance to their highest interest8,*'br more directly influential for'or against the National welfare, than the inaugural Address .of p resi dent L incoln , which we this day present to our readers. •< - With^eveip^ disposition on our. payt tO.. pluc'e the most liberal and charitable construction on the first official declaration of Mr. Lincoln’s in tentions, we aclinowledge our u tter inability to arrive at any certain conplusionas to.the course his administration intends to-purgue. The Pres ident’s positipn, as regards the Fugitive Slave Law, or int^ference witji Slavery in the States ■where it exists, is clearly d.efin.ed, .and.'wi!l, we think, prove .acceptable tp all sections of the country, and to conservativcimen of a]l parties but upon thgse pointy the Bepublican party and Mr. Lincoln himself had already decidedly spoken. W hat the people wanted to know was •exactly what Mr; Lincoln intended in relation to the secessionary movement in the Gulf States, and the demands of the Border Slave S tates for further consessions and guarantees. And it is just exactly in relation to this matter ’ that while the Address pretends, to be explicit it is blind, contradictory, and in Qur opinion entirely unsatisfactory. Does the President mean Coer * cion, or does he, not ? Extreme Itepablieans de; dare,“Coercion beyond a doubt.” Conservative Bepublicansdeclare that Mr. Lincoln is opposec to coercion. The former point with exaltation to Mr. Lincoln’s declarations, in ..his -.Address that “ the Union is unbroken, and I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of' the Union be faitli- fnlly executed in all the States “the pow er confided to me. will be used to hold, occupy anc possess the prop.erty and places belonging to the Government, and collect the duties ant imposts.” “There!” say the extremists, “ that don’t mean, coercion,, we should like 1 know what it does mean.’.* . ‘‘But,Y reply the conservatives, ^‘read on ai little J^rther, and you will find the President declaring that “where hostility to the United States in any interior section -shall be so great and BO universal as to prevent competent resi dent citizen? from holding the Federal offices; there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that objdet.’ ” W ith these opposing'quotations from^the In-- augural |before us, we are hopeless of deciding • upon either the meaning or the intentions of the President. . , ^ The concluding paragraphs of the Address are timely, eloquent and heart-stirring. \We believe that Mr. Lincoln feels all he says, in his appeal to the patriotism and the Christian sym pathies of the People. If his words shall reach the great heart of the Nation, and prove .effec tual in restoring, peace and harmbny; if b is deeds are those of the Christian and the Patriot,, then will none be more ready to applaud bis exertions than the truehearted and Unionrlqv- ing I\emocracy of.Greene. S t^ ty in g t l o u a t r y P rinters. T he Goshen {Orange Co.) Independent sayS.:_ ‘We see that a bill has been introduced in the ' Legislature for cutting dowh the fees For pub lishing legal notices. We trust it Will find but little favor in either-branch. Only two years ago petitions wesre sent to that body, signed by thousands of the most respectable citizens in all parts of the State, including all of our most worthy and eminent Inen, praying for ail ad vance in price of publication. fees, to corres pond with the advanced prices of provisions of all kinds of late .years. The prayer was grant- ted but now it 'appears some\ ibiserable scal- - lawag,.who. could think of nothing else to of fer, presents a bill, the effects:of the passage of which will be to send into • beggary every country printer in the State, The -ungrateful wretch seems to forget tb it he is indebted-to the printer.fbr the very positiob he now bolds. The editors who supported apd for his election, little dreamed that they were whit tling 6dt a club which would be turned to beat out their own brains; but it is entirely safe to say that they will hnow their than when he again asks for their support. And we strong-, ly suspect .the effect will be the same w.ith those who support the. bill when it comes to a vote. A very appropriate title to this bill would be, “An. Act to ^ a rve Country P rinters'’ This' would be the effect of its passage ; and perhaps this is the objeet of the mover. If so, we can assure him that there are enough in that con’di- tion already. We have lived long enough to see a great many mean things done, but we sol emnly aver that to hold a crust of hard rye bread before the eyes of a starving printeUj, caps the climax of all meanness ; and thfe man who can ofier or support such an ontfage, de serves, and will certainly receive the burning execrations of the whol^ fraternity, The pre sent law is right, aqd so let it remain.” To which we heartily respond, “.sp be it !”-r-- We believe “the laborer is worthy of his hire,” and we h i m that printers “nor any other man” can’t live wholly pn faith! As in the existing state of things terrestrial they may , very pro perly be considered, as of some importance-— “necessary evils,” if you choose—we hope that almost the only source from which they have hitherto derived vitality will nofcbe“walled in.” Seriously, one great reason why, the country papers of the Empire State outrival those of- her sisters, is that her Legislature h^s allowed them to receive, by Statute, a fair compensa tion for their labor. A “penny-wise and pound foolish” policy now seeks to change it. Better- let it be! fjeisii)EKT tm eoLS'S IN A D G D R A L A D D R E S S . IpSE ffsiTSP- ‘ i iin compliance with the custom as ptd as the government ; itself, I appear before you to ad- dress^yoU briefly^ and to ‘take in y our presence the .oath prescribed by the O.onstilulion pf the tJnited States to be taken by; the Prfeident bgfore he enters on the execution jpf Jjis office. I -dp ppt consider it necessary at pfesenf for me to discuss those matters of administration about which..there is ho special anxiety or ex citement. Apprehension seems to exist among the peo ple-of the ^puthlrp that.'fby the acces sion of d republican Administration, their prop- Wfy and th & peace and p rso n a f security are to be endangered., . There , has never . been any reasonable cause for such apprehensiop. In deed, the most ample evjdence; to the contrary has all thf iwhilei eXjsted pi|d ppen to their inspection? It is loupd in nearly all the published speeches of him. who now addresses you,\‘ s i’do butqdoteffrom'Ohe oftb'o When I declare that ‘‘Lhave^n.o .purpose direct ly or indirectly-iio interfere with the; Institu- and manuLctures’and fijS wa'nl: and pauperis rn induced thereby to the DCniocratie P arty. This is simply the old story of the piokpoeket |QjD_- ingthe Crowd and shouting at^ the tOp.' o f his vpice “stop thiCl^,” in diFerebt hahiiiments—or oHhe-man who set on fire his neighbor’s barn and then;'{thinking by this [means to avoid all suspicion'of the dakardly and criminal act,) throwing all his lingual force into the .startling cry of \fire !'’ In either case 1die , object aim ed a t is to shift the burden of respbnsibb for' it is not to be supposed for'a moment that ei-[ ther of the aforementioned individuals would be likely to relish the rCshlts growing’ ou t''o f ' 7 r;f; - a :-? ■ - T he last Emminer affects a virtuous indig- natfoii a t the present aspect ^ of public yffhits abd charges the paralyzs'd .cbndWion of .trade ilac declara’tiousi \and had never fechnted theiU tion of slavery in. the S tates where it exists ; I believe I have no lawful right,to do so, and I have no inclina4;ibn to dd'feb;” * 'T h o s e who nomiciated and elected me did so witli a full -know ledge'that I liaef made this and m any sim-- &rce obnoxious strangers among the people that obect* While the strict legal right may exist of the govermeqt to e n f o ^ tba«-..pxercise of these offices, the attenipt.bd:do, 80 would be so irritating and so nearly.tpipfaeticable with al thgt I deem it better to ffirego Ibif- [thb time- the use? of siiob offijMs. * . The jHails, unless'' repelled, jwill continue to be furnished in allvpkrts Ofthe llnion. . So far as passible, the people everyWh^e shall have that aeose Of perfeci? security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflec tion. The courseherelndicated will.be follow ed unless current events and experience shall show a nmdificafiob or clipnge^p^e proper,; and in every case; and e x ^ n c y |hysbest?d}screi* tion wilffibe eiercised-t adebruing Ifo tbe.'^cir- cumstances actually existing, and with a view and-adiope of-a-peaceful solution of the nation^ al troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies : ,and ^ffectipns^. /rhat-;|the.rq .are pCrfedns io*dne Section or aUoih’efVno -feeek t'o destroy the Union at all events, and are glad Otany pre,text ..to..doit,,,J wilinejther. affirm nor deny. But if there be such I need a-dress no Word to them.'-''^ To those, hQwevGf,:.:whd teally love the ion, m ay I nott • speak ? Before entering ’.'.x in r e p yd his individual act, should the truth to them prevail,'even to a limited exj^nl, ■ So with Republican editors. ’ At heart real-^ Ty deprecating'the ’ ruinouS\results | whiqh fol low in the wakAof their *par’tiz^4n’ 'success, an A feelin,g that, after all,'a United? prosperous ' and’ happy people are o f motb importance than* iriere pdlifcical triumphs, they' yet fiotf'^if easier to charge them in a lamp *to’'’'^he \U'ediqcrdlic; party than in manliness and honor tdffclno'^l- edge the part and lot they llaTO'had in ^I'dduc- ing them. To avow that dor paMzaV. b'hds they embraced, nurtured and -strengthened 'an otherwise harmless sCctionUl.fallacy, whibh by their adoption has bebn changed into a terrible power for the infliction of National and' social And iporje .than this, tliey;flac^d in the., plat- -fo ^ for piy acceptance, aud as ;a law to them- ;Selvc$ and to hie,' the cleaf and emphatic fesd- jqtiOfl’Whieh'I npw tead';^ ‘Jtesoived, Orhat-tWmaiditenaaoeiui^blate of tlieTigktis .Ofthe States, and espeeially the right o,f ejiQh State to, order and control its own domeguo institutions accord- ranee of oiir rppUtical, fabric -depend, .and -we denouaoe the lawless invasion by .armed force of the soil of any State br’-'Tfcrritdryj-, no niatter'nnder' what pretext, as' the gravest,of-eri^ie?.-,, I now reiterate these sentira'nts, and in do ing 8 0 1 only pfess' .updti ^the'piiblic attention the most conclusive-c VidenCfe Of which, the Case s susceptible, that; the property, peace.arid se-v :nvity pfi po section , are do. bq ;i.n ■■ any wise en dangered by .the now incoming adnimi?tration. ? ? add.’tdbi tb a t‘&ll the pr’otectioh^ Which, con- sistetitly\with the cniistitulion and the Ikwa, can bU'tiyeU, w ill be.cheerfully.given.tp;aH,the: ■StUjtes, when lawXally depianded.,-,f9r .whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section asdo another. , -Th^re is much Controversy abofif the'deliv ering Up Of-fugitive's from service or iabori-4- The cJatise;! poW ^read i? a? . plainly written in the constitution as, any othOr of it? provieions. I • No person held to service or labor in one State, under ■'thBlaws .tli^eof, escaping in to ^ b tU e r ,- s h a ll, i n chnse^^ |lam,,f)fthaparty.fo.',wh^ or labor may ‘ ft’Ms'sfeafGely-.questione'd that this provision was' intended ^by those^ who made, -it ior the reclaiming of what we, call ffigitiye slavesanc the intention of tlie lawgiver is' the law- All membets o f Congress swear their support tO the- lybole' conStitnlioa,. to this provision as mneb as any other., To .the proposition, then, oiith? are utramhibus, Now^ if they •wo'iilc sightedneS’s of the policy they have so eagerly pUrsued, as well as h.piniliating in the last de gree. But as water finds its level, confine an<|- dam it h’ow you will, so will the *i’esp,on£ibi|ity of the present crisis, in the minds of intielUgent and unprejudiced ^'en. reat where it belongs— with the iB^epuhtrean p^^^ ' SGUessionTs the legitimate frmt of . Repub li can success—bad the brpad and con8erva,tive prineipies of the Democratic party obtained in the late Fresideniial contest, does any sane man suppose we should have had occasion to deplore the tbo’t or fact of secessiob ? WouTd the, bit ter animbsitiOE which persistent denial of thejr rights ntidei’ the OonstitUtibn iias,eogendefedat^ the Sohth ever have been stirred up Tin , their present excess, had the counsels qf D.olin6crati‘c leaders been followed and acted upon ? N o ! iThe fruits of secession are what.we now de plore : disastrous changes in.thq business inte Tests of the country: thohsands of. mechanics and working men, honest and indnstripiis, una- ‘ ble to obtain tlie employ meht necessary' for the. tand a proposed amendment to the conStitu- 3 tion-~-Which amendment, however, I have iiqt seen—has .passed Congress, to thO effect thal the federal government shall nefer interfere with^the domestic institqtions of S tates, inclu-, ding\that of persons held to iservice. To avoilf thiscpnstructionpl most I have said, I depart f[^pm’iAy purpo^'.qnot td speak Of patticular /Imendiiients, SO far as to say that holding such A'provision to now be itapHed constituttonal law, I have no objection to its being made ex press and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority ifrom the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the ternas for jthe separation of the Statis. The people the^selyea also can dD thia if they choose, but thei-Ex^cutive, as-such, has noth ing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present'government-as it came to his brands, and to transmit it uoim,pared by him to liis successor. Why should, there not be a patient confidence in the’ ultimate justice of the peo ple ? Is there any better or equal hope in the world ?. In. our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty ruler'of nations, with Hi? eternal truth and justtce,be on your side of tue’North, or pn yours of the,S o u th, t h a t tru th and th a t ion, may i n o ; speals T Before entering o r pn you rs or tne.oouin, tpat truin an a tnat upon so grave a matter as tlie'deslruction of justice will surely prevail by^stlie judgment of pur .national fabric, with - all its'behbSts, its this great tribunal— the A m e rican p eople. By memories. And its Hopes, would it-not be well the frame of the government under which we to ascertain, .why we do i t . , (Yfill yo® ipazard ■ live, this same people have wisely given their so desperate a.,8tep. while there IS apy \IpnbHc servants, but. little jxower for mischief, of the ills yon ffy fiom that\fi'aVe.no real exis- and have, with^equai wisdom, provided for the teftce ? Will you, wbife ’’the certain ills you return of that little to their own hands at very fly to are grgat€a:;tWu all the rea.l pn,es yon fly short intervals. \Vhile the people retain their from?' Will you .risk the commission of 80 virtue and vigilance,no Administration, by any .fearful a m istake'?' A il profess to be content extrem e wicliedness or folly, can very seriously lb'th'e Union if All Constitation’al rights c'aii be ' injure the government in the short space of maintained. Is it true, then, that any rightji four years make the«ftbttin good temper\ could they not with n.parly . equal unanimity, frame and pa?s,a law by means of i^hich to keep good , that, ttnanimotis'.oatti. There is some difference of •.opinion Whether this clause sllquld be enforced by national or by Stale authority ; but surely \that difference is..notea very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered it cap be of but little cdnsequenbe.tbhim or to others by'which authbrity'iti'is dofie. 'And Should any one, in any case', foC content\ that this oath shall; go .unkept on’ a merely , posubtantial; controversy as. .to,how i\s%H bekept? Again, ip any laWhpon this subject, ought not ail the safp- gdardS’of 'lib'erty’-kiloVn in' civilized and' hh- mane-jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a‘ free.pian.be ppt, in.nny case, Buprend|red as,a slave ? ‘ Xnd'i^iglit it not be well at the same time tb‘ provide by law for the enforcement ot thp‘riolab?e465lhe constitution' which guaran tees that ‘-ithe.- Q.itjzeus o%^ch State shall be en titled tp all. thp prlyilegc^^^ and immunities of citizens in the /several States.” I take the of ficial oath td^ay 'with mb mental reservations, ,and with nO-pdiipose to con’strue the constitu- .jjon or-laws; rfey jetpy hypercritical - rales ‘while I dp not c4po?e now to specify particu- plainly written in the -constitution, lias been denied ? ! I tbipk noti Happily the human. mind is sp.c'onstituted that no pprty can reach to the. audacity of doipg this.. ..T'hiiik, if you can, of a single'instance ih wliieii a plainly writ ten pVoVisiofl of tile ebnstitution-has ever been denied. If, by the mere, force of numbers, a majority shouM ^deprj.ye a.,p)inority of any dearly written cQnsytutionar Vjght, i t mi^bt, in a* morel point of vkw justify revolution ; certainly would, if-'sifOh right Wet’C'a vitaTone. Biitsuch-is nptdJtQjcasc;,.,,',' All the vital rights of minorities and of in dividuals are so piainly assured to them by af- Stmtifioas and negfetiohs, guarantees ahd pro hibition, in the eonstitutiorti th a t : Controver sies never arise concerning them. B.ut no OFf;, ganic law can. ever be framed w|th a ,f rp-yisiort specially Applicable to’ every qiies|,i6p/,which' may occur in prectical ■ administration. No foresjght'can anticipate, no’riauy document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible queStiops,- .Shall fugltiyes frpip. labor be surreiiderGd by\' national or by, State authority ? ' The constitution does not eXpreSs- ]y say. , ' From questions of this class Spring ‘all our constitutional .coutroversies,. pod we .di-j vide ttpbrf them into majorities and minorities. if the minority wiU npt acquiesce thegpiajor- ity nmst,-br'Ihe'-gdverement must cease.— There is no 'alternative for. eontinuing the government but acquiescence on the one sjde or the other. .Ifa^ninority in such,a.case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a pre cedent which lii turn win ruin and divide, them, fpr a minority of their own will Secede' from tjiem whenever, a |najority refuse? tp be con trolled by such a'minority. For instanpe, 'Why hot any portion of a:'new' confederacy,’a .yeauor twd, hence| arbitrerily secede again, precisely as portions of the preient Union now claim to sec< de from it.- AH who cherish dis- My countrymen, otie and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by faking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hpt haste, to a \step. you would never take deliberately; that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. . Such of you as are now dis satisfied Still havb the .old constitution unim paired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws qf •ybur own framing under, it, whiln the new ad ministration will have no immediate power, if it WQuid;,„ta chaDge.eith,pr„,. J..f if wereAdmit- Ited that you who are dissatisfled hold the right side in the dispute, there still'is no single rea son for precipitate action. Intelligence, pat- riotisip, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him wh.Ojhas nevei; *yfit forsaken.this fa.vOred land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present.qifficulty. In your hand's pVy dissatisfied fellow conus trymeb, ahd not 'in mine, is the moiflenton- issue-of civil war* The government will not 'assUil you,, ITou can have no conflict without be|ng yourselves the aggressors. .Yon have pp oath registered in Heaven to^ destroy the government, while I shall h-ave th'e^ost solemn one to i“preserve, protect affd defend” i t . \ I am loth to nfose., 'We are not enemies, but friends. We mnsl not be enemies. Though passion may have sttained, it must not break Our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of' hiUmpry, stretching from every battle-field anil ^patriot grave tp every living dieatt and hearthstone al l p.vor this broad land, will ypt swell the chorus' of the Union, when again touched, as .surely they Will be, by the better angels of out nature. ABRAHAM LINOOLN, - t Nrom the Neiv York Jo.u A W O R D TO T3 M-of Commerce. ' ‘ FORTH. ^ North ought to shUpe ie—PeaccaMe aoion seoltntenls are Dow being educated to ‘ .. the w u c t temper .ot doing thi,. &lheM .boh ' perfect jd.entity of, interests among the States South—Advantages to the North—is a Reconstruction to,Gompijse.anewUmonastp,prpdaceJmTO fn7y%mjTsTtii^oM^^ ny o'fffy and prevent renewed secession. Plainly^! the'centra! idea; of'secession is the essence of; dHarcbya,? ■ -’ A- majority held in restraint by constit-n- .tiooal checks and limitations, and always .changing easily with deliberate changes of I p A ugusta , (Ja., rek. :2D« We begin with' saying tliat lAe dissolution of the Union is a fixed fact. It is not. a thing threatened—not a thing that may take place ; but it. is something already done. The Union is dissolved. . ’The Confederacy of States,known popular Opinions and sSntin-ents, is the only in history as the United 'btates of America, true sovereign of a free people.. Whoever re- lives only in the past. Six States have dissolv- jefets-it-doesi of necessity, fly tQ,;anarchy . or to ed their connection with the Federal Goveru- despotism. Unsjnimity is impossible. The rule men(he separation is certain, complete and of,u minority, as la permanent'arrangement, is esternal.” • . ' wliolly inadinissible. fjo\ that; fejecting the . Agai'n'we remark, it is the duty of tlu North support of themselves^ families ;. bankrupt merchants ; an^'worse tiiap^ all an impending civil war more -inhuman, brutal and bloody than^any'which has yet stained the page of his tory, are the demons which. Republican suc cess has called up, b a t vrhicli, we fear, it wil! be. powprless to exorcise. . , ■ , Up to the time pf, t|ie.kli9U?h-®lG®^teU,pf Mr. L incoln , our country enjoyed, ‘in,nder a Dem ocratic administration,” its usual prqspefity ;--- but when it became certain . that the retesof government had fallen into the hands of Ab:- olition enthnsia3ts,.and,tbe.qdyoeate,s o f, a fals.e humanitamnism that woaid^palt . {say rather debase) the negro a t the expense of tfre jvh.ite m a n L lito came, surely and svylMy the mpb i- ifold evils with which , we have now to eon tend. Is there really nO \Main'e kttachmg tb the Rb-- publican party?- or is’it tme, as their' leader has repeatedly 'asserted,'\that ‘-‘there-'is bbt'hiii:|‘ going Wrong?” ' ' ’ - ’ ankjority, principle, anarchy„or;--despotism in some form is alj that ialeft. ^ , to regard a'diSsoiulion^f the Union as a fixed fact, and,tfr shape its v ^ l o policy accordingly. r .sonnie, that constitutipnal questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny That such deciMons must be binding, in any caSe,;upon;'th,e! parties to a suit; as tp ithe ob ject of that suit, while they, are also entitled to the very high respeet and consideration in all parallel ckses by a 11 other deparCrnents Of the government; and while it is ■obvibusly possible that such decision may be erroneous,in any given ease,, still the evil effect following it, be- ihg limited to that particular case, with a chanCO that it thay be overruled and never be-' come a precedent, fbr. .other cas^s. caif better be bqrae than qpnld,the evils of a different prac tice.; ’ Ajt\ the same time the candid citizen must Confess thfit if the'policy of the govCrn- ttieht upon the vital questions affecting The . whole,people is te be irrevocably fixed.by. the. decisions of the Supr^^e , Opurt, thp; .Jnstant they are made in ordinary litigation. ,'between partie'STn personal aefions the people will have the’ fnWfoe'htaT'\Taw'of bll Oationa!\ -‘govePa-Hased” to;be teeir ow’h.^-'nhleBS bayibglo that meats, li t j? safe ltd assert that go'ye^ment/exteiit. tbeir-^ gcvcrDmenl ptoper.«ever.«.?‘firol^|8!attiK ite p^ganictew. th.C Hands Q|.fjiat,enpnent tribunal. Nqr bolbin official and private stations; to cOtifbrin to and abide by all those acts which stand; .uiH repealed, than to .yiplate apy.of them, trnstipg to find impunity lil-having them held to*^be qii- copstitutional. ' . It is seventy-two years since the first inaugu ration of a Breliderit under 'oiir natioVal con stitution. Duridg thkt period fifteen differenl and grearij diatifignished citizens - have in snc.-r cession .qdmiplstered thg ..qxejcutive^praneh ofr .the go'veiinment, They have ’ eondncted^it throuojhliikby peril?, and generally with' great saccessi- Yt*W With all -thiS'-^Scope fpr -p.rece-' dentj I now enter upon tljc same taski for the brief constitutiopar term of fo.ur yeai'S> under great and peculiar difficulty. A disriiptipp of the federal Union, heretofore only m&naced, is now formidably attempted. I hold Itliati in .cbntemplaljpp of .nniversal law and. of the Conr stitution, the Unipp of the?B^^.Stateg. is perpetr \ual.' Perpetuity !s implied Vr.not expressed in I do. not forget the position . aBsnnied by j Uul,es?rthis is done, many fatal blunders -Will be .-V^ .. A D§g-uerreotype of Ui?celoy, , Mr.* W eed ; \of the Edetiinff Joufhai, i M daguerreotypes'the Old’Quack of the Tribuh^. The latferv’with' 'all his Vanity,' l[isbGnesty acfd propensity to humbug; has not\ thfe mbnop -' oly ot these qualities ;'nor does he la<;k ability to render a quid pro ' quo to'hif,po'i-|ralt paini- er. This is’the .Jmrhal’s sketch : “We ihpught Mr. G r W/EY a!’Wiser and bet- tei^ man than he is. ‘ We ihfi5hted'him W.ith vir tues that oul-y existed in our toO ' paTtifirl* festi-' mate of Jiia-charaeteri : 'We were- tonconscious, of his vaulting ambition—his insatiate, thirst for office'. Had we known, in season,.that “No man’s pie is freecl rrom hisambitious finger,’^ - his infirmity should have been indnlg-ed; thoiigh at bis own expense ; for-office i?Thc laSf'iHing he is fitted for. In his Temperance, Socialist,, and other “ reforms,” we mistbpk the political Aspirant fot tlie Philanthropist. “ We believed' him a natural, instead of the artificml man-’he is. We knew that while the; Tfpune effected “brown bread”'an'd a “vegetable diet,”' it? edi tor rejected neitfrGriwhite'bread dor roast beef; but we did not know nor snspeCt that he -Was (astidicu? in dres?: ; that he;was as much made up as any a c tor; and that he went .abroad ^-fpr, effect, as regularly, as; thc^nack doctor who proper never, had apite^isiou in its organic, law. for its own terniioatipn- Continue nil the express provisions of national cons.tilu- tlon, and the Union will endure forever, it be- .• d;ng impossible to-Aestroy it except by some ac- .tipn not provided for Jn the in?trument itself, jk’gaiu', ifr^the United Slatc-s be'npt h gpverh- niCnt proper,? iburi an association of tStetCs in the nature of'% cpp.tract merely, cad.lt f as a contract bp peace^hlyjunmadp ,by jess than, all the parties' wl)o 'made it ? One, party to e cpntract may violate it-^break it) so to'speak --^but . does ibmot'reqUirn^ a ll to lawfully rd-. sciD d.it,?,,r‘; Descending ,.^frpm these general principles, |i?e find ihC preposition that',, in legal cpiitem- plation,' the Union is\ perpetual, coafirmed by the history of the UniOn’itselfc ' - The Union is mneh plder'thap the constitu tion, . It, was forme,df in fact, by; the: Articles of Association in lT'74. I t was .matured p d . reontihued in the Declatatipn pf Indepehdence ^ m wfes furtherimMu'red, Uud the failk' of all'tlm'ihcp thirteen Statp? expressly plightr finally in’\rTSTVhne of th^ deelafed'fibjecfs'for ordaining had esta.blishingi'the ; constitutien 'was to form a more perfect JInion. Bat if the destruction of the‘Union by one or by a part'only of tbe-States- .be,'lawfully possible, the Union is,Ifss thuD hf/orei the ■ constitution haying lost ihe yil^l,.e|ejneut^pfj.pprpetaily ; ' ’ltTol'lqws.,frem,tfee^ iHkh.?; upon its W n mere motion; can .lawfully.get opt ’Of the 'Unich' V’»!hPt resMviCs ahd ordinahcGi^^^^^^ -Nor.’ia'our simbricityM^?^^^^^^ e®ct are legally.^-void, and That •acts' of 'U V i d.’ ___ - ..rr-.--, Qfofo ttv,. .Gfofoo nlr«;neif Greeley is.cverjQund iu.-crewdSj ht’FairsvH'u'ste ■ . , ■■■ ............. .1 . —n , ly. —LU uti DCCU U1 liiCU] JJOYV IIUCIVV* C*UtI iU Theport of tbeplonaer of the Eo.poror China’s Summer Palace which was reserve lor Napoleon III., arrived in Paris on the 2d ult., packed in thirtyThree large cases. A new safety valve has been invented, by which the action of the lever carrying the weight operates a t the same lime on a damper, in the chimney, and regulates the draught. E astern newspapers speak of samples of the new maple sugar crop just raceived. The su gar aeason is backwards, but a large yield is anticipated. A n English paper says that, in punching the eye-holes of needles by hand, children, who are the operators,, acquire such a dexterity as to be able to punch a human hair, and thread it with another for the amusement of visitors. Governor or , hot believe, if we-could resist the convictiou- That he invite? the-,slaye State? tp-secGderinjUiUi expectation that he. wUl^. lie..,President;^ g, Northern 0Qn/^eVaey,., ^ ' Thouffh the nomm'al'head pf the. coticera, i v is unjust to Attribute’a??’ the vagaries' of 'the' Tribune to Mr. Greeley. Thltt Hydra'hasi half-a-dozen heads,-eacli with a specialty or isru of its own, b,iifc hissing in,.phorus when the I'ra- fer«ffiiiterestecl. Nor ri Mr-jGreeley the only hditor who “confesses to' a weakness” for office, His followers, like Falstaff’s, would not “ take a Knighthood . for* theiy fortu.pe,”-r^; Two of them ace lookiug.for and others expect Dukedoms at least. liidee^r ■ Tn&wne editors, ready to serve their Couhtry, would equip a department. fyhv’ti -- --- - ------------- '■ fi — -'.v yMehce; within any..Stpte-i'or,Btateg, against .tke:authority, of the Uini^ed States, '.are,|usure. rectipha'ry or revolutiohary, according to cir-: •'cuiiistah'ces.' 1 therefore CPnSidehtha't, in view of: theaonstittition ahd the law's; th'fi Union is unbroken, and to the extent,p.f my ability I Shall take care, as the constitution itself ex pr^ssly enjoins upon me/that the Taws of the ’Union be faithfully;pxecuted in all itfid StateSi. Doing this ! deem to -b.e only a simple .■oBJiiy jiart.' 1 shall perfectly periorm. il^/no; far as is practicable, unless my rightful 'raas- ,t.ersi the American: people, -shall withhold ihfe' 'requisition, or in- some authoritative ma.dner' direct the contrary. I -trust this will not fie regarded as a menace, but only as the declared -purpose of the Union that it will conslitution- -ally defend and maintain ijself/ In doing this there ne,?d be pp,bloodshed or, vioienep,' aud* there shall be, none, unless it is forced Upon the national authoi'ityi'‘”rhe po'W- er confided to me wili be used to h 61 d; occupy* ;and possess,thepropectyfand-.pTace? belonging to-the gpverement. anq collect the duties ,a^U{J, I? there in this view any assault.upon the, Court br the Judges. r t f s a duty from which they may udt shrink' to decide, coses properiy.brpught, be.fore: the.ni, and it is no fault .of theirs if others 8rek tp tu r n their decisions to political purposes.' One section of t),ur country believes slavery is right, and ought tp be extei)ded,;\yfrile the :Qther be* lieve? i t is'w rong, and, p p g h t not to be e x tend ed. This is the ohly sfibsfahtial dispute; and the ffigitive slave clause of the constitution, and .the {a w for. the suppression of J.hp foreign 'SJave trade^ .are each kS well enforced, per haps. as any law Can\'ever be'tn a comniuntity wbefe the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup ports ■chplriaw’i.tself, »/I'he' great bedy of. the people.ahide by the-dry, !* legal pbligatiou in both caWs, and a few break over in each.— Tbis> ;Lthink| c'anhdt be pCrieCtlyreared, and it Wymld be Worse ip'bSth -cases 'after The sep’ara'-'' tion'of the sections tlian before. The/oxeign;- slaVe traffe, now inSperfectly suppressed,, would be;ajtimhtefy' revived, withoat restifictipir In pne section,;-while fugitive, slaves, naw'tohly' partia;Hy-?urrend?red, .wpald not be sfl'rr.ehder-: ed a t all by the other. Bbysically speaking, we cannot .separate—we cannot remove our respeotiyfe'seotjpns'iirera'each other, nor build an imp^^filile.'waTl husband, atM wife may*.be. divprce(i and ,go piit pf th e , presence aDd.’b'eyopd TMreacii’of.’ each’ o th e r ; bpt ime:different'p'ariS%f-'bui’ 'co'u cannot 'do’tffii; -;Tfagy;cauno|','b.ijitTem85n/aee to facp. geousbr more Satisfactory 'afferi' separatiod than before ?..j^Qa](i ^Upusma^e treatje? easier than friends can make taw?? Can treaties, .be more:faitfafhll^'‘*enforcieff BhUveen aliens fnah. laws can aniohg fi:ifefidie|? /Suppose :|;pu go tb' war j, you, canimt fight alMaySi and whCuf after luucll loss on po 6i.tli6r| you cease fighUug, the Mentical questions as to terms of intefcCo\ur?e are again tfpbU you.' This country, with it?:ih^t1tutidns,' belohgs'fo 'tfie' pebp'ie who inbabik ite u Whenever they .-.shall .grow wei^ry of Abe existing goyernupent, pagr^erreise their cbnstit'utTohal right of amend ing, then'-revorutiohaty* right t6 dismember dr. o'ver throw it. I cannot be ignorant o f the fact that many wortliy citizen? are desirous ol having the national constituttion amended. ' While I -^mahe' ho recorrimehfiation of Amend ment,! ’freely fecognise: thp fulf authority fof the . peopls o.yfir;the whole. \gjibaepb tQl be 'exerciged in . either, of the modes. prescriped in th,e, iHstru: meat jteell'^;’and I should, under eHsting'cir- pumstajiBes'jfavoi' rather^iyn’b’ppose a fair dp.' friiposts; blit beyond what may be necessary poriunityreemg pnerfed -tHe peopit for these objects there will be no invasion’— thato t phrtufiityrbt'in'g pfferfed-the people to act wpon me rehP'Con- T hk Legislature of Kansas has postponed the election of two United States .Senhtors until April. . ; ' - ' % P auperism .— The report of the Secretary of foi; these objects there will be State Pn:f6ati&£ic8 bt pauperism,., show? *thht tbeare-avB'223,488. paupers .in the- State. The whole vMae of paupefriabOF the last Waa only, goigreat ana so -universal as to Present sneciallv‘cfadsea for-the” nufpose and, which using ;pf force against or amongst the people 8 i S “ n-U“ |.yede'ral offices, there wilU bc no-attempt to ^•^ilirtbemselvertoTc^^^^ bnSer- cOmmiteed. No matter whatmaybe' ypiir tlie- pfy'of'tbe Federal Government, what your no tions as to tlie right o f secession— these, and all othfer questions like them,have no p'r’actical bear ing upon the issues now beford us.*' ‘Wbatever men may say about the right: pf^ecGsslim:, the fact is Upon us ; it stares us i,u,Jthej face—six States havh'^ithdrawn, and olh'efs are prepar ing to follow. , ' ,jB u t, m-lMstemergency. what .iS.fhft part of tp e statesmanship •? ■^hat jis the only thing wbrlhy'Tts name ? 1? it to ignore^ great fact> and insist upon a mere theory whicli the fact It self has exploded? Away'.with your theory of government, and deal with facts as you find t hem. It makes no difference by what-name The late acts of the'separating States bp called call them -secession, revolution, rebellion— cMT them what yoii mhy, these acts have dis solved the ,reojQnection between them and the lover'faroent al Washiregtpn. To ignore this— Id treatTt as though the deed was not done, as thoug.{r;the geparatioil was not complete, is .consum'pliite'folly; ■ Aud'teH acts of Northern Legislatures, or of Oongress,^ not based upon ihis’tact, are wanting in true wisdom and sound statesmanship. , We,ask next, how the North ought to act to wards the seceding States ? W e Say thi North, bfeeause you have the control of the Federal Goveruffient, yhere are but two ways left for you to pursue. The one looks to coercion ; the other is peaceable Separation, 't he first is ru- inous to doth section?;;‘the second is the best and vvisest pedicy, t^oercion is impossible.-^ And, by coercion, we mean not the mere use of force,.but the successful use of it; pot the s^t- tempt to whip 'ns back into the Union,'bat fhe doing of it< To compel- by forcfi of arms so many millions of freemen to rpmaiu in the Un ion agmnst their will, is a dream—a delusion. I call in question the courage and prowe.-s of neither ^art’y. These are admitted. They have •been signally proved on many battle fields of the paste. Alter .fivers of the best blood pf both sections nayq been.spilled; after asacri- flee of untold treS^uve, after IncalQuiable injury To {the eau^ M G<pd,'and ‘religion, what would; be gained by the contest ? Nothing— Jmt, oh. how msch would, be forever lost? The fratricidal War‘.would end where it begun,so far as any real adVknl&ge gained by either party is .concerned. - But da ;the other ■ band,' the Breach would be,wider.between the North and South, An iihpass'abre gulf would be fixed'bptweec the 'two sections—feelings rembittere.d,,pas?ions en raged,: and all kindly eihotions turned into bit ter .aed implachble. hate: ■’ Gh,“ Almighty God, in whose,hiipda'aj.ejthe hearts of the chil dren of men, save us from counsels so rasU\ from ^ a' Vhr so mmatural and sumidal 1 Do not think ■of qoerciori—of hny'ifteans even squinting at the ' preseryaiidn of th& Union, by force of wHateV- \e'r'kihd. Again 'Pte beg yon to regard the sepr- aration between. U 3 a ? ,|i, fixed fact. Any at tempt coercion will resiiit in a war such as the; wo/ld bas rioe'seen,' T f you attempt it, The South, is aroused 'ahrene man;' ufe all wilt-fight, yba’Bi'grend Qlcl,.43repd;a!ld free. ; Tim minister of i&e .altarwill^refr'^hd ?|be soldier to the battle with benisons and his prayers, and, if need be, .^jUgll'd'friihselFitb'fHh And the moth-’ ers of thereunny Sonth—and, oh, what moth«'S .we-have^,Wilh.B?Dd t-lteir sons To the figHt. wftb the charge, return with your shields, or on your, shields^ yqu can have no idea of the feeling at tlie SoiilK' Georgia h'd^^ctid she shall be free: even her'women wili .thalte it good with their blood. /I'hjs is pp idlp-saying, we are nei ther mad nor filled with new wine—we are so- ber,j:qjfest, resolute . , ' , \A^coereion is impossible, wiiat feniainS to bh done ?£-lvbat, but’ to- let h?>go peaceably ?. Say tOi qs as, Abraham gaid to L e t : “Let there b,^.m.strife, I pray thee, between me and thee, nnd between my herdsman andthyherd^.rnen, for ■wfhfe^brnthfen. - Is not 'the whole laud before •thee.'? {Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me.^” iDh'TlHa 'apdi;tvf part frieud?-;~wG parteia peace; .w^;patt;uiiuer\'s^ch coyenaht?,'and with such kindly freliags totv'afds'eacli o.ther, that should iiny foreign’ Cor makc\ waf - 'dii Githet of us, and spoil UB'of QuhgnodB^'thfeQthejuwill bejeady, like Abraham, to gird on the sword, and a- venge bis injured kinsman. , , I know h c ^ hard; it is readm it the neCp^ity offt diSoIiitioh of the Union. Y o u lo te i t ; so*have we loVed it; ‘ I t was.to us a passion,' an idol. How painful to us h is been, the, a.pt of separation 1 The namber of disuaiohists per se at tiie South has never beeii' large. W e have been driven by necessity tosdisunipfi, having ac cepted it as pur only defence agafnstreegrada- tioH in a government in which we once had a place as equal confederates. But why is it so hard to give up the Union? I t is because, having always looked upon it as. the noblest and grandest fexperimenet of self-government the world has evcLseen, we have been taught to be lieve that expt-fiment a failure, in case the Un ion should be dissolved. But does this fololw ? As the new Confederac-y has adopted the- old Constitution, and has eoutinued in force tbe-old laws, the only diflereuce is, there will be on the same continent, two great Republics instead of but one, carrying on the same noble experiment of sell-government.. Thus we do-not see how the dissolution of the Uuio^ proves,of necessity that self-government is a failure -* In 1844 the Methodish Church was divided. The vexed'question of slavery impelled to the' separation'. But did Methodism provo a fail ure ? Are not both branches Of the divided Church Methodistic still ? Are not both gov erned by the sanie discipline ? Do not both hold ifre s a m e u r tie les o f faith ? A n d a r e n o t both equally engaged in preaebing the dbetrine of fee® grace, and ii) spreading scriptural holi- nes? over all these lands ? A dissolution of the Union, therefore, no more proves that selt-gov- ernment is' a failure than the division of the Methodist Church proves That Methodism is a laiferc. On the contrary, Methodism every where received-a new impulse; she enlarged her'borders in both sections, and is far stronger to-day than before the separation. No doubt God saw a separation was best, and heilce it was brought about. And H e may sec that it is best fbr us to be two people. We may be mistaken, but the signs pf the times seem to in dicate that an overruling Providence is bring ing about a permanent separation between th^e North audj^he South. The progress Of events has ‘proved One thing to be true; and it matters not who jvas The au thor of tfee saying, or for w,|lat purpose it Was spoken. ‘ The President elect spoke truly when he said ; “ I here is an irrepressible conflict be tween free and stave labor im the United States.” Our eyes have been opened a t the South to see this. And it matters not wll'etber the irrepres sible conflict ought so to be. or whether it i? a matter of necessity— it is so as fact o f history : at.all events, the Repabiicaus have made it so. For it is their hxed and settled policy to carry on this conflict, u n til free labor triutnphs~ in all the Slates, All their professions about Bot in- terferitig with slavery in States where it.a,lready exists, are intended' only To deceive, us.* ,^^’he doctrine carried to its only legitimate conclu sion gives the plainest ^etffal to the sincerity of such professions. Thi54^nfljct'is irrepressible, say they, the States C%ii|*iiitrexist half slate and half free—the State? sW I‘ become' all free.-— And yet from such .premises, they tell us that they do not intend* to interfere with slavery where it now exists.. And to prove their hon esty of purpose, t h ^ tell us that they are willing so. to alter the’ (Tonstilution, that the slave properly of the South cannot be taken- away, without the consent of the slave States them selves. Now, we ask, what is such a pledge worth, when we consider the irrepressible con flict, in conoection with the doctrine of the higher law?- Put this and that together, and wiiat are pledges worth ? Those who hold the two doctrines can make and break pledges with equal facility. •' ^ ^ We admirethen the irrepressible conflict, as a fact ot the times. A great party has, or will soq||have contiol of the Government, that is eoM||ilted to carry on this conflict to the bit ter ^ d . Mr. Lincoln may have, been right in saying that a Government divided against it self cannot stand—that it cannot exist halfslave .and half free. But he was egregiousiy mista keri when, he imagined himself possessed of the spirit of prophecy, and predicted that the house would not fail, but c* asiiig to be divided, Would stand. By withdrawing, from the Union, we bave'jiroved the prophecy to have been a false prediction. For the house has fallen—the Gov ernment is dissolved- Nor has the house be come al| .free; the act of separation has pre served to the South her own social System.— We have torn away from the embrace, ol the serpent, which, covering us with its slime, and winding itself about us in many a fold, has •sought to crush out our social life. We thank Gcd that our eyes have- been opened to gee our dangeivand that, thus timely, warned, he has ■graciously opened up to us a \Way of escape. W ethiokw esee the hand of God in the present great revolution. He is our trust.— ■‘The Lord of hosts is with-os; the God of J a cob is our refuge,” He will neither leave us, nor forsake us. He has committed to us a great and responsible chal-ge. He jias entrusted tp us the African race in America, with the com mand, “ occupy till I come.” We are the guar dians of this people; we Their best friends. By bringing about a separation between, the North and South, it may be that God is leav ing us, to *l61ve the great problem of African slavery. We .alone can solve i t ; and we can do it better and sooner by being left to ocu’- s’elvcs. Oar connection -witlf Nortlfern Abo litionists has resulted in incafei^lable miSchief to tlic slaves of the Sonth.' * H a8 iVfeot^^beeji for their internieddlifjg; 6dr laWs 'would be less stringent, and the social Stains of the. negro woti^be vastly improved; Oh, who can tell the injury wliicli the unceasing agitation of the slavery question has caused to our slaves?— When left alone, we will turn our attention more to their improvement. May God help us in this great wotk! For we love onr servants ;■ we are bound close to them by many sacred lies; hence we desire, in the fear of God, and actuated by t|aq.love to this dependent race, to discharge our whole duty towards, them- We s.ball be able TO; d0‘ if, whefi B.o lo'tl|er trouolfid by those intfrfncddlers whom Stv' Faiil thus most truthfully and graphically describes:—r “ He is proud knowing nothing, but doting a- bout questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, railings, and surmising, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds,and destitute of the truth.\ Permit me now to suggest a few of the many benefits to yourselves by peaceable separation over Coercion. By it you will'yourselves es cape the horrors of war,, and all its terrible con comitants. By it you will be freed from all con nection with slavery. 'V'ou tell us that your consciences are invulved, and that you Sare bound by a higher law than the Constitution. But when are are separated, your consciences need trouple yon no more.' You Will be no more re sponsible for slavery in the South than are the Governments of Franee and England. Your expects such re-union, consent now to a peacea ble dissolutiori o lthe old Union,and trust to the ffuture to bring about tbereconstTaCtiou^sirfd. One thing j? certain; coercion now w'm make tfie dmntegmtiQA eternal. A re-union at pres- fent ireiitterly hopeless. The Confederate States Of America^ the ueW nation just born at M ont gomery, do not now entertain the remotest thought of entering again into a union With the gQvere.mentat Washington.-- Be riot deceived—we tell yon plainly the day for compromises has passed. Re-union is not to be had by eomprpmises; no repeal of Person al Liberty bills, or ether obnoxious laws, can effect it. It cannot be brought about by any peace convention, by any compact, or agreement written on paper, and sanctioned by the most stringent and solemn oaths. lUiese are necessary, but therh'‘is sOlnethUig else to be done first; af terwards, we may talk of compromises and changes in our organic law. There is but one course that can possibly tend to a reconkruclion of the Union, The North, and the North alone, can preserve the Union of fl// the States, and there is but one way in which the North can effect i t and that -is; by Bevokition —t y revolu tion at the North. * * * * * , Are the people of the North prepared to as sert the principle that no sectional man shall be President ? If they are, the Union of the fathers may be preserved. ■ We do not ask this of you weffi) not demand it. We merely show you th e w ay of preserving the U n ion of the •whole country. Hear this also, and mistake us not. We do not intend to interfere with the iuaugura- tioh pf Mr. Lincoln. No seceding State will send a man to prevent it. Let those States that are willing to h-ave him for their ruler, inaugu rate him, and submit lueniselvcs to his govern ment. But aa lor, the Confederate Stales of America, be can never preside over a g'overn- ment which embraces them. Never! Never! Never! ' G eorgia . Compr omise Movements at Wasliington. On Thursday last the Peace Conference adopted the FTanklin-Guthrie-Orittendeh'pro position, the essential part of which is as fol lows ; ■ . , ^ “In.all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36 dc^. 30 m in. of north latitude, involuntary service, except in punislurient of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to service or'labor as it now ex ists, shall not be changed. Nor any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Legisla ture, to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights, ari sing from said relation. But the same shall be ■' subject to judicial cognisance o f the- Federal Courts, according to Ifie course of the common law. When any territory north or south of said line, with such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a Member of Congress, it shall, it its twro of Government be Republican be admitted‘into the Union on an equal footing with the ofigiohl States, with or without in voluntary servitude, as the Constitution of each State may provide,” In the House of Regreseutatives the propo sition to call a National Convention was re jected—74 yea? to 109*®!^?. ‘ , The Kellogg; :Comptbmi?e waa rejected—93 yeas tp T58 n a y s.;' The Crittenden Compromise was rejected— 80 yeas to 113 nays. The resolntioDs reported by the Committee , of Thirty-three were then adopted—113 yeas to 80 nays. These resolutions declare substan-* tially: 1. That all proper and constitutional reme dies for existing discontents, and all guarantees for existing rights, necessary to preserve the Union, should be promptly and cheerfully grant ed. ' 2. That all attempts to obstruct the recovery of fugitive slaves are I'fcconsistent with inter state comity, and dangerous to the peace of the Union. , 3. That the several States be requested to revise their Statutes and repeal such as may be in conflict with Federal laws pn this Subject. 4. That Slavery is recognized as existing by usage in fifteen States, and there is no aathori- ly outside of those States to interfere:with it. 5. That the laws on the subject olT fugitives from'labor should be , faithfully executed, and that citizens of each State'should be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 6. That there is no cause for a dissolution of this GoTernment, and tliat it is the duty of Congress to preserve its existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States. 7. That the faithful observance of the Con stitution on the part of the States, is essential to the peace of the country. 8. That each State requested to revise its Statutes and amend them if necessary, sO as to protect citizens of other States, who may be travelling re®*’ein against violence. 9. That each State be requested to enact laws to punish invasions of other Stales Irora its soil. JO. That copies of these resolutions be sent to the. Governors and Legislatures of the sev eral Slates. 11. That as no proposition has been made to abolish Sjavery in the District of Columbia or Government dock-yards, or to interfere with the inter-Siave trade, no action on these sub jects is needed. V. A' proposal to submit to the Legislatures of the several States an amendment to the Constitution declaring that no amendment of that iustrumsiit shall ever bp made giving Con gress the power to abolisb or interfere with Slavery in the States where it exists. consciences we ought to respecte W b think you are mistaken, but we are Willing tp thiuk you are sincere. The Union;meu ol the Border Slave States are calling Upon the Republicans to back down upon their platform, ive would nO't have them do so, feihey are-honest;-and, if they are honeSt, i^'8 'lliink they twill not.' I'he Union mefeof the-STOlh wbnldhaye these men confess themselves to be ihe greatest hypocrites in the world. Because we hold them sincere and conscientious, wb know that we cannot ob tain from tb® N^orth those guarantees in -the. ■Uhion which are absolutely necessary to its preservation Hence we have regarded disolu- tiou, as our only remedy. Give us what we ask ; gilant qs ^peaceable, separation, aud your conscience is at rest. . Agd® i by peaceable dissolution you will s e e ^ vour owu beat ma terial Interests. Yofl then continue to be OUr carriers—our mlin.ufacluvers. You WiU Se cure OlU'trade. Wemay even discriminate in yourfevor. ^i]th5s,’aod much more, may be secured now ifitlt) if you blindly and madly rush upon the execrable doctrine of coercion, all these material interests will be lost to the Northern people forever. 'J'he South will .seek other channels of trade which now stand in vitingly open to us. Q'o avoid this inevitable diversloq of our trhdOj odoptii peaceable policy towards the seceding States ; let us go in P«ace —Aet there be no strife betWfeu. lls. One point more, and we are dqiier Is'there any chance for a re-union in the future?—for a reconstruction of the government?—for all tlu Stales again tp be united under the same con- etjtution and lawk? :Wfe answer, if th* North W e condense the following items from the Washington correspojideiice of tlie daily papers : The Choctaw claim for gSOO.OOO was allowed to go thro* the ponfcrence on the Indian bill, thns furnishing an en tering wedge for $2,000,000 more. The report of one con ference 'K-as killed by Mr. Sherman, and so ought the pthre, for the Senate stood ready to recede. Hit-was with the utmost reluctance Mr. Buchanan was hrbught to sign the tariff hill, so crude, contradictory and impracticable are its ptoyisiohs. \Nothing but the solicitations of private ff-iends in Pennsylvania brought him at last to overcome his repugnance and gi've the Ex ecutive approval. The rush upon the Treasury yesterday was great er than ever before Known, and before noon every dollar in the public ■vaults had been paid out. So anxious were parties to secure the several amounts -claimed, before the neiv Administration should come into possession of the Gov ernment, that they ran from room to room through the different offices, each endeavoring to get ahead of the crowd and secure the requisite official, signatures before he could reach the Treasurer’s counter. “The l)utehD o n rine of the Catskills,” by the David MSrdook, D. D ........................... . “The Chapel of St. hiary,” .................................. . “The Missing L i n k , .............................. •‘The Ring’s ____ _ __ _ _____ ‘’Home Pastimes,” ________ _____ “Hopes and Pears,” 2 vols.,- -$1 25 - 1 00 - 73 - 75 - 1 00 - 1 50 ! l' F rom J apan .— Intelligence has been received from Kanagawa as late a« Dec. 31, The ru mor of the American Bpibassador’s repulse .is unfondad. Considerable trouble exxted between the Europeans and the Japanese. A collision was considered certain, and it was thought tbp Americans would jojn the'Europeans m cfiSe 6f an emergency. Trade waf very dull. Mexican dollars were worth only 65 cents. •R eading out the C hampion .— The Tribune is making sad.hovoc with the champions of Freedom. It branded Cassius M. Clay as a “coward” a few days since ; and now it reads Mr. Seward out of the Repablican party I \Who next must fall beneath its nnsparin'r rod ? Albany Eve. Jour ' -■’- - - I j o a , i x * s O o i ’n e i * . “The feecreations of a Country Parson,” -' ---- -- j 25 JU S T R E C E I V U 1> ! A SUPPLY OP PARLOR SKATES! \WTITIj; THEJf any person .can. acquire the- a rt of v T . Skating in a fe-«r days. For yoUng ladies they are invaluable, affm-ding them th&-most exciting and healthful exercise. These Skates run'on a naked floor, carpet, or oil cloth, witliolit injuring them in the Ie^t» and perfectly imitate ice skating. ^ I P H s T E G - O X iX ) ! Ladie^ Pine Gold Peng, only 75 cents, A fine assort- meiit* Gold Pens fi;om 25 cents to $5 each. POCKET KKIYES! in great variety, from. 15 oehta te |1,50 each. ! 1
