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SENATOR HILL'S SPEECH Delivered at the Brooklyn Acad- emy of Music , Sept. 19 , 1892. I am reminded of the fact that it was in this oAifloo upon a. memorable occasion in 1SSS that 1 had the honor of expressing to the intrepid Democracy of Kings county the sentiment , \I km a Democrat. \ and under tho existing polit- ical situation I know of no more appropriate . place or presence than here to declare that I was a Democrat before-tho .Chicago conven- tion , and I am a Democrat &U1L ' v _ . Your cordial'invitation to unite- with yon in the openlng ' of- this campaign could not well be declined and was accepted with pleasure , coming as it did from a Democratic organiza- tion embracing those 7 who. during all my polit- ical life , have been among my stanchest and truest friends. .;. * \ - . - - - . The national Democratic convention of 1S93 has passetTintp Uistory-witU its record , its tri- umphs and its ' disappointments. The wisdom of its action is not now to be questioned. It was the court of last resort established by party usage as the final arbiter to determine the conflicting , interests and \ claims of candi- dates, states and sootions , \ and its - decision Trill ho accepted with loynl acquicscnco by every true and'patriotic Democrat who \ recogr nizes the necessity of party organization and discipline , and respects the obli gations which ho assumes in Jts membership, From this time forward imperative duties aro imposed upon ss. Factional appeals should , now ceaso , the sp irit of resentment should bo abandoned , state pride should be subordinated to tho goni eral Good; real or fancied grievances should bo dismissed , personal-ainbitions-sliould bo saori. {Iced , and individual . disappointments should bo forgotten in this great emergency which de. morula from us all the exhibition of a wide- sprea d and lofty party.potriotisni. . . Permit me to repeat what I had tho honor of expressing to tho Tammany society on tho 4th of July last , before the echoes of our national convention had scarcely died away, as follows: \Our course at the present timo is p lain. In tho approaching strngglo tho Democracy of New York should present a solid front to tho common enemy. Loyalty to cardinal Demo- cratic principles- and to regularly nominated candidates is the supreme duty of the hour. \ I reiterate those sentiments now. Political parties are a necessity under our system of free government, but parties cannot exist and accomplish auccessful results with- out unity of action , prompt acquiescence in the conclusions of the majority and vigorous co- operation under competent-leadership to se- cure the common object. To this end individ- ual preferences and personal opinions must give way to tho jud gment of the party coun- cils. Tho party platform in all . its essential particulars must ho deemed to bo tho infallible party guide , and tho party ' s candidates are ouj candidates and aro entitled to our fealty. There is ' no place in honorable American poli- tics for the political guerrillas who do not at- tach themsel ves lo either of the great political armies , but who . while swearing allegiance to neither , criticiso . thetn both and fight first upon one side and then upon tho other. I am not assuming to offer suggestions of duty to this class of peop le , but 1 am speaking toni g ht as n Democrat to Democrats who aro anxious to subserve the interests of their country and bo- Here that such intere s t s c a n b est be subs e rv e d by the success of the Democratic cause. We aro entering upon the twenty-seventh presidential election since the organization of our government The good citizen desirous of discharging his full duty in this crisis, accord- Jnir to his conscience and his judgment , unin- fluenced by selfish considerations , will discover two great parties arrayed against each other , struggling for tho control of tho uovernment and appealing to the people for their suffrages. He will find that one of thorn has a long and honorable history, its b?rtb dating back nearly to the organization, of tbe government itself , whoso deeds and a ' ebievements have been in- dissolubly . associated with tho glory of his countm un der whoso wise administration during the greater part of the lirst century of its existence the republic most wonderfully prospered; tho party founded by Jefferson himsel f, who enunciated tbe true principles of government which have been the cardinal doctrines of tho party from that day to the present hour; tho party that established tho \Monroo doctrino. \ tho maintenance of which has prevented tho spread of monarchical forms of . government on tho American continent; tho party which , under tho lead of Jackson , resisted the encroachments of tho money power and maintained tho rights of American seamen upon tho hi gh seas; the party under whose administration tho war of It^ aml the war with Mexico were fought and gloriously won . reflecting tho greatest renown upon our American soldiery; the party under whoso statesmanlike i>oliey tho most valuable and importnnt acquisitions of territory wore made to our domain; tho party that has ever been tho bold and vigorous defender of con- stitutional liberty, protected tho rights of tho states , upheld the dignity of labor . Insisted upon tho just prerogatives of tho individual citizen against governmental interference , and resisted tho enactment of arbitrary and unjust sumptuary laws, demanded frefi and honest elections without federal bayonets or forco bills; which declares that taxation shall bo imposed for public and not private pur- poses; the party that recently gave to the country four years of creditable , economical and honorable administration of the govern- ment. That party—a national party—as broad as tho Union itself—now unhesitatingly sub- tnlts its claims to public confidence and asks tho support of an intelligent electorate. On the other hand , tho seeker after truth finds Another- par-f y, -which I SJ of recent ori g in , and which was founded upon a sentiment and catntj into existence upon a single issue , now disjKjecd of and almost forgotten: a party which , by reason of its principles , has i Iways necessarily been sectional in its character; tho early history of which, I conced e , was praise- worthy, and most of whose leaders were sin- cere and unselfish men; a party which has outlived Us usefulness , hut refuses to disband , and -whose chief cornerstone at the present time is the doctrine that t he government should use its powers of taxation for private as well as public purposes; tho party which Greeley, Chase , Sumner, Trumbull aud Fctiseudcn founded , but which they all abandoned before their death; which geeks to pcrpvtutitc its supremacy by the arbitrary and unjustifiable exercise of doubtful constitutional jioivers in the enactment of unprecedented federal elec- tion hills; the party that largel y controls the wealth of the country, aud under whose friendly administration monopolies have been fostered and the rich have grown richer and the poor l>oorcr; a party that boldl y announces the vicious principle that tho ifovcnument has a moral and constitutional right to build up private industries at public expense , and that has come to rely upon tho forced contributions of its benefloiarics to maintain its power. That papty now asks for a voto of confidence from tho peopla. Tbis dcf CTlritivii uf the present ntt Undo nnd purposes of the two grea t pqlil leal parties upon tho questions of the day is a fair and reason, nblo one It is not claimed th:»t the Democratic party is entiruly right upon every conceiv- able subjec t that divides public opinion, or that the Republican party is entirely wrong, and no one but tho most bigoted partisan would insist upon fcQ absurd a clstlm; but wo submit that upon tho great vital Usuos of tho hour—the material points in dispute—tho De- mocracy hold tho vantage ground and more correctly represent the principle* and policies which are best calculated to subserve the highest interests of the whole-country. It may be truthfully conceded that the masses of all parties arc sincere in their convictions, and that the differences which exist among us may largely bo attributed to different methods o reasoning different habits 0/ thought »t»d 't : A wwac eaucnuuuHi acquirement*. If I were asked to define tho one fundamen- tal difference between tho two parties I should state that 0110 believes in a strict construction of tho federal constitution and the other in a loose one. One party believes that the general government' s powers should be confined to those which are specifically granted, and that nothing can h« done under tho \ general wel- fare \ clause except the exercise of those func- tions which »*« incidental and \necessary to tho carrying out of tlic expressed powers , while the other believes that under that clause the powers of congress nro substantially unre- stricted , and limited only by its wise discre- tion. This radical diversity of views cannot well bo reconciled; it cannot bo wholly decided b y the courts , as it involves the spirit more than the letter of tho constitution , -and iu tho end it must be 'determined largely as a matter of policy by tho people themselves In their sov- ereign capacity. Starling out with different views of the constitution the two parties nat- urally havo enunciated different theories of government , especially upon the all important fubjast of federal taxation. A division upon Vz.Z'iz-itf t question was inevitable. It is ; not n new question , but is as old as tho country it- self , although it has assumed different p hases at different periods of our history. Concisely stated, what is tho position of tho two parties upon this question? I desire tc Btato it fairly. The Republican party ad vo- cates the doctrine that the government lias a constitutional as well as a moral right to im- pose tari ff duties for the purpose of encourag- ing tho building up of private industries by tho imposition of duties sufficiently large tc prevent foreign competition , irrespective of the question of tho needs of tho treasury, while tho Democratic parly believes that the government has only a constitutional and mora l right to impos e such duties as may be necessary to raise sufficient revenue to support the government economically administered. This is tho precise issue squarely stated. Thero aro other ways of expressing tho same general idea. Shall there be a tariff for rev. enuo or a tariff for protection? Shall taxation bo imposed for public or pri vate purposes ' / Shall private industries bo built up at pri vate or publlo expense? Shall tho wholo people be taxed for tho benefit of tho few? Is taxation a burden or a blessing to tho wholo peoples ' ) These pointed questions , servo to emphasize tho dist i nction between the two policies pre- sented for our approval. Thero is an \irre- pressible conflict\ between them. Both par- tics cannot bo right; one or tho other must be wrong. Tho consideration of this ' subject leads mo to an analysis of tho true functions of govern* ment , and it is important to determine where we are drifting. - There are some things which must be conceded because they are too plain for argument, and one of them es that the government has no constitutional power to enter into private business directly,, and what Jt cannot do directly it cannot or ought not to do indirectly, . Its functions aro public funq. tions nnd must bo exercised for public pur- poses. It is an elementary principle that prfc vate property can only be taken for public use. The ri g ht of eminent domain cannot be exercised in aid of private enterprises. \When a railroad company, enters upon my. land to construct Its railroad it is only upon the theory that its construction is for the publio benefit. A water company is permitted to lay its pipes through our public streets only because it serves a public good . Highways arc construct- ed at public expense only because they arc public thoroughfares. You are taxed for the support of your court houses , your schools and your Rsylvuus only because they are public in- stitutions. This is the correct theory of .x'ov- ernment , and it excludes tho idea that one citizen may be burdened to foster anothei citizen ' s private schemes, Tho Democratic national platform gives forth no uncertain sound upon this subject , and correctly states tho ' trne position of the porty. It denies tho constitutional power ot tho government to impose taxes for other than public purposes. Let- me read tho wholo ot that plank: - . - . ' . . ' . \We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party t lint \ the federal gov- ernment has no constitutional power to impose nnd collect tari ff duties except for the .pur- poses of revenue only, nnd wo demand that the collection of such taxes shall bo limited to the necessities of the government when honestly and economically administered. \ , . - lam not . hcre to apologize for tba ' t plank. 1 am hero lo advocate nnd defend it. It cor. roctly and substantially states tho Democratic faith. I am aware that a concerted ^ effort is being made by our opponents to make it ap- pear that a now departure has been entered upon , and that our party has abandoned its former conservative position upon tho tariff question , and assumed another and bolder at- titude , leading absolutely toward free trade. I do not so regard it. Sonic of us might have preferred a little different -ph raseology, but as a whole-it sufficiently expresses our. position With reasonable, cle*iriio;?d HKtd accuracy. There is usually more than one way of ex- pressing tbe same general idea, and tbe pre- cise form used is not very material. • It is enough for us to know (but iu cvr:«y.es- sential particular this plank was embodied iu the Democratic national p latform of lSTG , upon which Samuel J, Tilden was elected president of the United States , ' and' having oiice been ratified by a majority of the American people it is believed that it will bo satisfaelory to tbcm now. . . I rcalnse the difficulty of presenting tho question of tho constitutionality of a pro- tective tariff law to the courts , and in that view it may havo Iiceii unnecessary or not de- sirable to havo challenged its.legality, -Wo need not have placed our objection upon that ground while- so many fatal objections ex- isted to the system itself , but that course was B . , mere matter of discretion. The fact re- mains that wo have always insisted nnd now insist- that no warrant can be found in tho constitution for the imposition of tariff duties to aid private industries , but whether such a tari ff is constitutional or not , or whether it is practicable to have the question properly raised or decided, tho system itself is vicious in the extreme , unjust to tho people , aud con- trary to the spiri t of our free institutions , A tariff bill upon its face usually declares that its object is \to provide ways and means for the support of the governmentr and whether the duties are high or low , reasonable or ex- orbitant , prohibitory or otherwise . It is impos- sible for tho courts to say that tho purpose of the measure was not solely to provide revenue for the government , no matter what the truo object of it* framers was , or whether or not the treasury may already bo overflowing. Besides ft Live is not always held unconstitu- tional although it may in somo degree violate tbe spirit of the constitution. The constitu- tion as well as an act of congress can some- times ha successfully evaded without adequate immediato remedy on the part of tho people. Whether by reason of these ditllcultioi It Is ever practicable to obtain a determination of the constitutionality of a revenue law, osteusU My framed for the purpose of raising revenue , but in fact intended for other purjioses . it was comptteot for tho uatioual convention to d->- eiate tne \' po8itibh\ or * trid party upon tnc suii- - jec-t. Let us examine the point fora moment ' Whence * conies tho * power to protect private Industries? What clause of the const! tut ion can bo invoked for such a purpose? There is none: \It must!*bo' conceded by \ every intelli- gent citizen that tho constitution does not grant any such express power. Tlioro 1 isj no men- tion o£ any such feubject anywhere In it. The blanket power ,, to provide for the \ general welfare , \ will not answer in such a ease. If no such power is expressly . - conferred , then It is virtually prohibited under article 1H of H10 constitution , which provides an follows: \The power not delegated to tlio . United Slates by tho constitution, ' nor prohibited by it i 0 the states , is reserved to the states respective! v . or to tuc -pcoplc. \ Thero is wcx an elementary law writer , anywhere whoso . .treatise on tho constitution is regarded as standard authority who ventures-to ; uftlrm ali o constitutional ri ght of congress to levy duties for any other direct purpose thaii revenue ' for the support of the government. _ < ... Republican \ proteSfeftr^Tcrcfiiro floes not constitutionall y exist ^ but isj iinposed upon tho people by fraud , false\ pretense, evasion and gross abuse of the ' taxing JKnyrr, Till) consti- tution gives congress powe r to \lay and collect taxes , duties , imposts and excises \ (article 1 , section s). It can exorcise that power consci- entiously, or It . can evade anil abuse it. All tho 60 called protection forHvhich our opponents have clamored and which thoy have obtained In recent yenrs 'haS 'befch' secured , not by con- stitutional sanct' oiu ' iuut by tho nbuso of tho conceded taxing pow . er of Hie government. It is ' adangcrous ^ eserclso'of , authority. It is a perversion of .. the . powers ,of-government. It furnishes -a hazsirdo ' us ' jireeedent w||ic]i will surely return to plague us. bet us MIO whuro it will lead us. - ; - If the general government , under the . pre- tense of . raising revenue; can impose prohibit- ory, duties and tborebi \ - proteel dnuienllc in- dustries from the-competition which the laws of trade would otherwisp, provide , then under the same pretensb—•iho ' rai^iii g of revenue—it can by taxation cssfntialltfusiirp most of tho functions of ' the stftto goyei' uiiieiits , and virtu- ally regulate inarriiago . and divorce , the rate of interest ' on mohoy i Uiojpurolmscs of property, the formation of Corporal ions , the making of leases and contracts of i ' very description , all Of ' \ ¦¦ '\\' ¦ \'\ ¦ .y. ' Ktt|..«.^j^\r.l ' ..f...-r> .iw. pni.1 ^ COll- sidercd under th0-JurisdJetioiTand i-cgulut ion of the states. _ ! , . • In what is- ' known ' lis tho VTopoka Bond case ,\ Judge Miller ,, of-tbe supreme court of the United States , v in\dclivcriug tho opinion of tho court , said: ;.j c{f - - . , r _ . - ¦ \To lay with one band tholpower of tbe gov- ernment on the property of a ' citizon and with tbe other bestow it • , upon - fa ' /ored individual? to aid privato. ' onterurisO aiiiibuild , up.private fortunes is none , the loss r< ibery because it is done under tho : forms oft law and is called taxation. This is not legislation. It is a decree under.1 legislati ve fo»>n& , ;Nor is it tax- atior. Beyond a cavil tUere ' can be 110 lawful taxation which is not laid foi? public purposes. \ Judge Cooley, in. .his valuable work on con- stitutional law , declares tlil -V . \Constitutionally- it ' tax i^ i\fiavo no other basis than tho raising of -revenue for public fmrposes; and ^ whatever governmental' 'eXac- lou has not this basis is tyrannical and un- lawful;- A tax on imports therefore , the pur- pose of which is , -not to rnite revenue , but to ob- struct and indirectl y prohibit somo particular import for tho benefit of'somo homo manufac- turer, may wel l be questioned us being merely colorable nntl therefore nut warranted by. con- stitutional principles. \- . f * ' ¦ ¦ . ¦ \ ¦ In tho light of these authorities , and under tho arguments prciontiili fair minded men will arrive at the . cbncluMpn that tho Demo- cratic party was right wlt'fn. it declared that \taxation for privaj-ofpurabscs \is unconstitu- tional. \ . - ¦ ' \— \ j ^r-r .-; I have read with , cnrcj all the arguments urged by tho two yefy nl)19, apostles of protec- tion . Governor MeKinley 'And Senator Aldrloh. but I fail to discover-that ' h' cy present a sing le tenable ground upon wlijch . protection , puro and simple, can bo ' constliotionally. defended. . Incidental protection; b]i .the. other hand , is unobjectionable. ' ^Tariffs should be imposed for tho express purpose of tevoriud aud' uot for any private purpose; \Wefcbclievc in . revenue with incidental protection and- not ' in protec- tion with inoideutal|rovciiuo. , < In so far ns the tariff is necessary to meet . the \ necessities of the government 'it may b? imposed; and any other benefit which \ may be . legitimately de- rived from its imposition may hnd does ncces. narily accompany it.-: If tfcburdon. . i m p osed would operate to prevent foreign competition the . benefit is indirect an&-s unobjectlonnble. Let mo illustrate our^iositl^u. Tho Capitol is constructed at 1 Wasbin ' gWS' not- for the pur- pose of aiding that city, liop t . o provide f\r tho administration of public ailglrs. We would not unnecessarily construct afi3tbcr ~ cdpitol slm- ply- 'to boom Washington rift \ estate; if another was ne * eded to meet the unkwliifc necessities of the government hve woultflconsti-uct- it , even though it mlght bcnefifSVu shingtonreal estate speculators. ' \ \ ' ¦¦ . J \ ' ¦ ' A court house is cdnstiWcd In some city or village in every cbunTyTnTnostate for the pur- poses of public justice ' nnrt iiot to build up tho municipality, . althoughdktt.may:. : bj ita ulti. mate effect. ' School hbuks lire erected in the Interest of public education>and, not- to benefit the street or square upon which they may bo located , although\ ; thtvt\ effect may follow. £>tnto taxes nro collected for , the ^ maintenance of our public ' scbcblsyand not for the purpose of cither . injuring^oriaidinS; private , schools. So also wo may- safely conclude that tariffs should be imposed \ fori'ttt; direct'purpose of rcvenuo onl y, and not to baild.up. private for- tunes , or oven for ' lhe laudable purposo of in- creasing tho wages of privjtocttizens. What- ever the Indirecteffectof such tariffs may bo their beneficiaries arofwelcomo torit . and no one else is wronged , , j ' 7, ,; .. - , •; ' . Tho Democrat ' ^:-positiou . : ' l3 ' a safe , logical, conservative nnd just position.. Xo tariffs ex- cept \for the purposes Of revenue-, only, \ and then liinitcd to' * theTreei : s ' l'i 0 sbf- 'ihe govern- ment honestl y and C cbnou- .!eally.!ulmlnisieied , is a doctrine which appoalsM.'Up-go od sense aud found judgment of every /-honest and thoughtful man. 'With the fonsiuntly increas- ing expenses of rgoverumciiaund . the , enormous amount ot , ' mpnc^;]anuuiiljy . augmenting, re- quired by the ' g rowing 1 \ pcn^dnHisC these tar- iffs which\ must jiocessHrHy-bo exac t ed to meet these expenditures will !\lolfpr nwJTjy yea rs to como amply sti flicIert<'?ton^I : . or d , *Ine i deiitaIIy, all\ tho profectldn which WOTUOst ardent ad- vocate \ of tbe . systcm caa nfcsniablyask. More thnu this ought not to b^tfneede 'd (panybod y. Ill tlio inuibsltiu 'h . of nceissari ' ita ' riiTs thero should bo exercised sJ,\vk* 'discrimination iu the amounts exactcbaj^ Jn fboKfticles taxed. What should bo p laced upW |&' *^!«* v M~ l a \d what should bo the- jufei,iicJv'3y Iwirdened are questions not frco^fxoni;<ljr.{c<itUit and require the most careful ' : epnsideitionr-Wlien tho nouuserftUc uat-t y ' tartf tbV-l 't^Vc+s ' a tariff for rbveaiuo ouly ili i U ^^i>>iJiiit.rtbe proper , main , and only lawful ab-rc^nurposc of tho tariff is tho raising \ Of ¦ re v venno ' «r6ne; but this lo gical ami correct poStioif^oci hot conflict with the idea of such incidental advantages as may also be necessa rily and inevitably received from a revenue . tatttf Tho indirect benefit CHimo t well be avqittdraud yve do u-ot . se*: 1 * • <-> prevent it , out aCslro to t«ie*;;c«»K, : ' „;nu -;;- ^ it effectual by tho exercise o£ a proper dis- crimination. WO do not mean that in tho framing of . tari ff legislation our one aim sliouU) bo to . tax such articles as will produoo tlio greatest amount of revenue and shutting our eyes to all other considerations. Extreme moo may assume that position upon their own re» sponsibility, but they do not represent tho party. It is impracticable to insert a schedule of tariff duties in a national platform , and there- fore tho principles which should govern tho adjustment of tho details of the tariff can bet- ter be ascertained from tho tariff legislation wh ich the party proposes. The Mills bill of 1888 and the separate tariff bills passed by tho present Democratic house of representatives indicate in a general way tho Democratic posi- tio n. They show: 1. That tlio necessaries of Hfo Bhould bo substantially free. 2. That luxuries should bear the heaviest burdens. ' A. That there should bo free raw materials for tlio benefit of our manufacturers. 4. That the tar- iff * niwn manufacture d articles should us a general rule ho larger where similar article* ore manufactured in this country than where they are not. B. That ilio tariff imposed ui.-.n all manufactured articles (other than thos e which for good reasons aro placed on the free list) should equal thu difference between tho rate of wages paid in this and foreign coun- tries so far as labor enters into the cost of their production. President Harrison , in his ingenious letter of acceptance, endeavors lo place our party in n false attitude by calling attention t«» the fact that while our platform in IS: 'I , rea.lopted in 18S8 , contained an express plank upon this question of tho equalization of wages , yet it was omitted in Is!)- , and asserts that we have changed our position. 1 I J \ : J to differ with him. There has been tui change. It u not always practicable in iilaco in a pint furm Uiu del ails of promised legislation. The platforms of 1KSI-S woro eluborato and lengthy, and it was desirable to simplify them. Genera l principles were stated in IMC rather than particulars , as in l:- -SI. There is no con- flict between thcia. There was no necessity for tho repetition of that plunk , as ihu party ' s position uiwiii it hnd bonn oeMenuwl by tho Mills bill , which bud not been passed beforo the national conventions of 1W-I ami lSWiwcro held. Parties are to bo judged us much by their records as by their platforms . We stand not only upon ous plat form of l N'Ji but upon the Mills bill , which was the latest general Democratic legislation upon the tariff subject. That bill was as good an cxitusltiuiiof om- prin- ciples us any elaborate platform could possi- bly bo. . Now what did the Mills bill disclose upon the question of tlio cnuulizntiim of ivujiusy 1 make the statement , and challenge a contra- diction of its truth , that there was not a single manufactured article mentioned in that bill upon which the duty was reduced , upon which fierc was not Mill left a duty sullicseiit to rep- resent the diffe rence iu wages paid in this and foreign countries for the labor involved iu its production. I can safely go further and say that in many instances the duty permitted to remain exceeded this diffe rence in wages three , four and five times. Therefore our jx>- sition upon this question is as clear as tho noonday sun, nnd it required no special plank ]n the platform to emphasize it. Wo believe in the encouragement of Jabor and are desirous of protecting Its interests in every reasonable way consistent with the rights of the wholo people. We would not raise a dollar of un- necessary revenue or needlessly increase the tariff a single penny for the express purpose of building up private industries , but in main- taining tho duties which must necessarily bo collected wo would discriminate iu favor of American labor and American industries. If I were askc-d to dciine as concisely as pos- sible tho whole Democratic policy 1 should state it substantially as follows: \We favor a tariff for revenue only, limited lo Ihu necessi- ties of tbe government , economically adminis- tered , and so adjusted in its application, ns far as practicable, as lo prevent unequal burilens , encourage productive industries at home and afford just compensation to labor, hut not to create or foster monopolies. \ Thesis nro tho cardinal princi ples uion which the details of all tari ff legislation should be based. Our opponents profess to be much disturbed because we have in our platform denounced \Republican protect{011 \ as a fraud. What else Is it? It is fraud for these conclusive reasons: 1. It is secured by a palpable abuse of the tax- ing power of the government. \ . It inures to thu benefit of the few at the expense of the many, 0. It is based upon favoritism of tho worst species. 4, It tends to create fictitious prosperity, to be followed by subsequent busi- ness depression, ft. It is deceptive in its pir . I JOS and unsatisfactory in its results, ill . ' . : principal beneficiaries constitute a privileged class, and their import no Hies for governmental aid lead to public scandal and demoralization. President Harrison and all the other grea t and small advocates of this vicious system diligently seek to create tbe impression that the Democratic party has ai'sunied a bolder attitude than formerly, and become an advo- cate of absolute free trade. Thoy will not suc- ceed in their strenuous efforts to place us in u false position. It does nut follow because wo are opposed to an unreasonable tariff that wo favor free trade and the abolition of all cus- tom houses. We are opposed to a prohibit- ory tariff. Wo nro opponcd to placing a vir- tual Chinese wall around the country to hamper and restrict (he natural laws of trade. Wo favor a larger commerce and wider mar- kets than at present exist. Wo are opposed to any governmental- partnership with private Interests such as the MeKiuley bill establishes. We favor legislation for the musses and not for the classes. Wo favor tho protection of labor and not the creation of monopolies. We would encourage and foster labor by rel ieving it of all unnecessary burdens. I said in tho campaign of I f*3 in my opening tncech at the Academy of Muvic , in New York cit y, that if I believed that the Democratic party favored absolute free trade I should not advocate its cause , and I repea t tbe statement bore tonight . Permit mo In this connection to read a letter written by 1110 In IKJ l to a curtain moss inoefltiK in New York , which , to my sur- prise , 1 had been invited to address. It is as follows: A biiAKY. April U 1KI L Louis F. Post. Esq., \ President , etc. D UAK Silt—1 am in . recei pt vf your favor of March ^S inviting me lo attend a \free trs.de mass meeting \ to bo held at (. ' oopor union on Thursday eveuiiux. April 2 . Wliilo thankitm you for your court esy, I cannot attend th^ meeting, because I have no sympathy with its professed purpose , I had supposed that my opinions upon tho tariff question had been so frequentl y expressed in public that noliod y could expect mo consistently to attend n meet- ing intended to promulgate tbe doctrine of free t rade. I am not an udvoeato of free trade , and never have been. I stand with the Demo, cratio party in favor of tariff reform, which means a reduction of the .present cxeestdvound ini quitous tariff and the retention of a tariff limited to tho needs of tho government , eco- nomically administered. I do hol holiet' c iii re fol'inlhc- the t.nrllr h\ whollv abolishing it. I believe that the best Interests . of our country—industrial , agri- cultural and commercial—demand the estalv. lishmciit of that tariff policy declared and particularly defined in the national Demo- cratic platforms of 1S7U , 1884 and 1SSS , aud 1 am earnestly opposed to the attempt which is now being mnile in Home quarters to nnuermino too sound and eonservnuve poj-itton of the Demo- cratic party upon this question , and to commit it irrevocably to tbe doctrine of frea trade. The men who arc encaged in this effort , :io matter bow hones t and sincere they may bo in their individual convictions , have.no ritrht to linger masquerade ns trite Democrats while seeking to commit the party to a policy which it bas alwaysdistinctly repudiated. -nnd whiclu If adopted , must inevitably, in my judgment, ' affect'injuriously the welfare of tho country and unfit tile Democratic party for tbe . main- tenance of tho-sia wise principles of govern- ment of which it has for nearly a century been Ihu.proud and unvlchliuK representative. ' Thev greatly mlstak o public sentiment who assume to consider the revolution luM autumn at the polls as a popular manifestation In fa- vor of radical tariff l egislation. It was. so fur as tho tariff was an issue , a popular outburst against excessive : duties , agaiurt rvst rictcd markets , against war taxation for tbe benclit of fa vored indus t ries . 'but only blind iheorists could sec iu it any Indication that the lveople are impatient of all tariffs and desire to resort to direct taxation to secure the necessary rev- enues for the support of . the government. As a Democrat I must respectfully decline tn Bupport ony movement, nn mutter hv whom instigated or championed , having fur Its pur- jKjro tip: adoption of any . -urh sui'-i.Uil poll, y as i.i twM »«» be cuiitetrdialed ttv ' .be na-clii^r TO wnicn you nave invitci ::;e. Tn mv noinion such movements only embarra ss mid injure the cause of tariff reform. I remain, very truly yours , D AVID H. H II . I . I insist that neither (ho Democratic party nor I havo changed our position upon thi-j question , but that wo stand whero wo havu ever stood. Tariff reform does not. moan free trade. Our opponents misre p resent our position now us they have ever done since the famous tarif* message of 18S7 . In that historic messaxu our cauilidiito oxuressly repudiated tho sua; gestion that ho was etUeriiig.iipoii any crusatla Of free trade. lie did not demand that one tariff laws should bo wiped out of existence* l/isten to what ho then said: \Our present tariff laws , tho vlctons , inoquU table and illogical source of unnecessar y tiuC at Ion , ought to bo at once revised and uuiuud- ed. \ Atniin: ' . \It is not proposed lo entirel y rollofo tho country of this taxation. . It must bo exten- sively continued as a source of the govern- ment' s income , and in the readjustment of our tariff tbe interests iff American labor enga ged in manufacture- should be carefully eomud- ercd , tis well as tho preservation of our manu- facturers. \ Again he says: . \Put- tlio mluclion of taxation tloniaridod should bo so measured us mn to necessitate- or justify either the: loss of cmploviuent b y the workingman or the lessening of his wages. \ Again: \Tho ques t Ion of free t rad e is absolutely ir- relevant, and the persistent claim inad o iu certain quarters (hat all efforts to relievo the people from unjust and unnceessarv taxation arc schemes of so called free traders is mis- chievous unci far removed from any considera- tion of the public KOO .1. \ These extracts speak for themselves. The disastrous defeat iff 1SSS brought a Ikpuuliciiii president and a Kepublieau con- gress into power , and two years later , as a ro- wiml io those benvliciai-ie.i who bad so largely contributed to their success , our opponents passed what is known tbe world wide as the McKiiilcy tariff liill. 1 tin not intend to tlbt - cuss tho details of that measure this evening, as you have beard inu freiiueiilly upon that subject. The McKinley bill lias not ruined the country, nor has it benellied It. It lias increased the burdens of Hie luxpayei's and aided many of the monopolies of the land. There is no sal isfaelory evidence that it has increased our pro-pcrity in any degreu or ad- vanced the wngcs i.f asiiigju wor„im , 'HIIWIi !-=ki llfui. siatisticia ns callable' . 'f juggling with figures may assume I.. l„ivo more information than we possess, and may figure out a diffe rent result , but 1 can safely assert that it is tho general understanding of tho people thai tho MeKiuley bill has not increased wages either in New York or elsewhere. It is undiiu ' ntcdlv true that in this statu the aggregate amount of all wages paid the yea r after its passage lUlty have boi-li greater than the aggregate- amount paid the year preceding, but that does not prove any increase in the rate of wages paid , and only shows that some new industrieo lutfvo been established or additional iia-n «m- ployed hi others. And it does not appear that such increase has been any more than tho usual natural Increase occasioned by tho steady grow' h of tin state. it may possibly also be true that there havo been a few I C - SK strikes during the pas t two years than during the preceding two vein's , but this may he attributed lathe moderation and good judgment of our labor organizations rather than to the effect of any tariff law , 1 know lhis i much , that the Democratic party: will be entirel y content to permit every work- ingman whose wages have been Increased since the passage of tho MeKiuley bill to vote tho iiepublivari ticket if our opponents will con- sent that all those whose wages have not been increased shall vote the Democratic ticket ,] and upon that basis we will carry the country ' by a million- majority. We should not , how. over , permit our position to he misunderstood , v\ n are not seeking power upon the \ ealnm- ity \ issue, but with all good citizens wo rejoleo in the prosperity of the country and trust that it may continue , but we insist that the country lias been prosperous not because of tho Mc- Kinley law , but In spite of it. Now York Is a great ami enterprising st ate— it is rapidly increasing in wealth , population and resources—and while it Is probably truo that during the past two years our savings bank deposits have Increased, new railroads have been constructed , new hotels built , now public buildings erected , firo and life insur- ance business augmented and oilier evidences of a fair degree of prosperity havo abounded , these results can no more be attributed to tho tariff than to the weather. They aro inevita- ble in thu natural growth of the state. They mi g ht better bo regarded as an evidence of th» beneficent effects of a Democratic state mhnln- tstration , under whose auspices they have oc- curred. Thu people cannot longer he deceived on thla question by the opposition. Public sentiment has made rapid strides during the past few years , and greatly cleared the political atmos- p here , as well as brushed aside many plaus- ible but untenable cobwche , which have here- tofore obscured the discussion. No one need now enter into an argument to establish thu J. . . - ' . \ L> that tariff is a tax , as tbe people havo Earned the fact lo ilicir sorro w fro m thu operations of the. McKinley bill. Five year* ago the cry that \the tariff is a tax \ «ns ro- reiveil with derision and hiuglitcr by our lie- publican friends , but now they are endeavor- ing to convince lis bow much they have re- lieved us from taxation by thu abolition of tho suga r duty. - Pray tell us also what has be- come of the Republican claim , *., industriously persisted iu , that \ the forei gner pays the tax?- The claim has been most thoroughly and effectually exploded, aud It in therefore ovU dent that tbe campaign of education has homo its fruits. The plain truth Is that this policy of protection cannot much loiiK'T Mitlli) against the tremendous pressure of public sentiment for its abandonment. Tho cause of industrial emancipation is marching on. When protection was firs t sug- gested in this country It was not intended u> ho tho permanent policy of the government , but it was urged merely as a temiHirary muas- ure iu aid of wonk initl struggling industries. It was understood that the- favoritism wiv* V> cease when our \infant Industries , ~ nfl thoy are culled , should bo able to stand alone. X heard this cry of \infant Industries \ when I was a chilli; it was continued during my boy- hood; it was roilorat<ad when I was a >'<>UyK man, and It bus redoubled In Intensity diirlmr my manhood , but while 1 have been grovtiuft old during all this period these PIWIIO InduKtni p seem to have been enjoying a season of pcrpe(. mil youth under tho invigorating air of gov- ernmental favoritism . It is high lime that tlu> fostering cure of tho government should bo withdrawn and they he permitted to mature. In llio elcctioiiH of 1KHI thu McKinley Mil was one of tho import ant issues In vol veil. You do not need lo bo tolfl that it was emphatically repudiated by the people , who demanded it.? repea l or modification, 'i'liere wns no mistnk\ liurtlio public sentiment uxiiretssi'd. It wan a political revolution unprecedented in the his- tory of the republic, A Democratic house of representatives, chosen by tlio people in thvir great uprising, faithfully obeyed the popular will and snughfto change the tariff , bin ft |{Or publican senate refused even to consider 'ho subject. The free wool bill , tbe free binding twlno bill , and all the other measures passed by tho people ' s representatives in the house for relief from tariff taxation wen! contemp- tuously laid aside in the senate. The Uepub* licans insulted the people by absurdly asacrU ing that the popular verdict had been pro- duced by uilsrepres'Mitation—that tho pooplo aid hut know IhelrA. 'b>-r <—Is. Wo mull ap- peal therefore in tltlsy ' from the senate to the people , and asr .^ igain to express their disapproval /of Kinley law. Wo have confidence \M $ ;. 'lligei)i'l> nnd din- rernment , and w ovte l y reason lo expect that the yordfet ofait . ,o IntePj^ently rii ' - densl . will not be ru . . In IMC. There is anotlifr|fi \\ n this campaign vl equal if not gn atcre} v rnrico than the tariff , which affects the jri? ' - ' ;.nd liberties of every cJtizcn. The lto;-ttD U, i party seems to bo ir- revocabl y commitre.. . ! .V-tbe passage of the fed- cral elections bill , generally known a*; tho \force bill. \ and allhntit/h it must I* evident to the mos t patriotic nnd thoughtful mutnheni of that organization that it in a picco of jiolltl- cal foolishness only equaled b y its mendacity, thtrv has appion-d for tlivnt no tticano from Its ad vocacy. It is an impeachment of tlio good sense of the Republican lenders that they should press the consideration u( fc r. offomdvo and unwise a measure tit this or uny other , time , especiall y in view of tho fuel , now ap- parent to every oiio . that It absolutely pre- vents their parly receiving a single cleoturul vote In a thi rd of tho-stiitc* of the Union , nnd although as partisans we may rejoice at their folly, yet as citizens wo deplore their threat. cned attack upon tho free Institutions Of OUt country, never before so Imperiled. • > , ; The bill lias been well described ns a \ menace to liberty '* —the liberty of tho north as well as the south : the libert y of tho black wel l ax tho white; tho liberty of every elllaion . bo imit. ter to what party ho may happen to oolong, It is conceded that-the measure is Without precedent in the hlntnry of Ihts wuiniry; Po P ever a huadutl yearfl the uoveruiuest ht.1 (Oiiiiiiuu' d on fourth I' a'\;.! - - ; ¦ . - ¦ -, • > . :. K - - . ;. ;;: , - ;; . -i- ^. ! 'p6fe- - - : v *- • ¦ - • Hi g hest of all in Leaveniag Powcr. -^U. S. Gov 't Report , 'Aug;\ 17. x88o» ' . : \~ . , ' ' , - ^ u - '^\ v- ' ' ' ~ ~ ; A \\ ' • ' ' ' ¦ ¦ \'\ \ XBSOI3JT£i¥ PURE \ - s ' -' - • - ¦ .. \ ¦ :' - '\ ' / ' .t-Kn . -'t; ilri^j. ' _ - ¦ rU . , : , : ¦ \ TKe * i Corrector. rUBTJSUED BIT E SS- SATURDAY MORNING IN TUB TTJiItAQB QF SAG-HA3IBOE , SUFFOLK CO., Ii. I. B R X W * S *r ». s •& B 1 G s a? , Editor and Proprietor. Terms , $2.00 Per Annum , in Advance. OmoB- hi the \Brick \Block , on UiejwOSt side of Main Street , \ opposite tlia American Hotel , (np stairs ,) Bag-Harbor , Ii. \L Xo paper discontinued until all arrearages sfe paid , excep t at the option of the pub- lisher. ' A»VJB«XISI1Y « IM XIi S Spa ce 1 Yff \ |TFr3jrrrm ]_ aiiu _ i sm \ 6m \ i j i Uneh J*5 fioo . fias $130 $2ooVtt50 ~j\i6*r?» v « 2 Inches ... 100 ; 1 US^ 150 200 3 50 S00! 8 00 13 •• s inclies ... 125 1 :;0 j 2 00: 2no 400 noo' Koo ls»o tiriBiiea, . \ l fift , - xii i); mi ; 3no 400 TOO ! ISOO 11H 5 Indies . . 200' -ami 3 do I 4 (in OHO 3 DO' . 1400 10 M y Column.:s»i>! 400 4no! son soo lnoo 1600 w»» ' tt Column. r.no TOO ! S5o|inoo lnoo 2000 S600 ' sn «» 1 _. - ° . 1 \* nn - . $ \ 1 . 0 i soo'ir.on isoo ' 2400 3000.sooo 7B «» N o notice can bo tukon of anonymous communicati o n s . . Wo do not want tho names of corresp ondents for publication , but aa a guarantee of good faith. We oatt- nbt return rejected comniumcnttong. Births , marriages and deaths , vrhon - ac- companied b y name of a responsible partji published frec . as news ; Qbitnnries . TribuUi of Respect . &o. , charged at advertising rata* Josep h 5. lieach. Seve n Physicians Tried and Failed. A _ Plain Statement from a Substantial Man. \NO TTONDER IT SELLS S3! It 1^* X?«:«£i.txso Tho Cured Arc All Arountl You T Vr: , JoMp Ji .9. JSmelt , one of the moot rt. speeUd citizens of lliyh Valla , A\ . *T . F and icli o fur yea rn has hren connected viitlt the Ltiicrenctcille Cement ~\Vbrks of ZaicrcncctiKe , A r . 1\ ., IJI a qwxilion of i p reat t rust , writes its under recent (late of the per man: nt and lasting cure effect- id iy IKi UAl tfd slmp li remed y, D ' K. DATTD KEX>-KDT ; Dear Sir—I suflVrml for rears -with what the physicians told me was Calculus or Stouc iu tho Kidney ; employed no l ess than seven dilTercot physicians to whom I paid hundreds of dollars for medical treatment with onl y temporary relief ; no words can express the agony J endured whjch unfitted me for l>nsi< iicss and made life a Imrdni hard to bear. At the earnest solicitation of friends I tried Dr. David Kennedy ' s FaTorite Remedy; I noted a marked improvement while usintr the first boitle and very soon after voided a good sized stone and am now in better heal ill than I have been for years ; I ask niy friends itad aequahiUinfres who are suffering: from difficulties of the Kidneys and Bladder or any disorders arising frcm an impure condition of the blood to uso litis won- derful medicine aud be cure d . \ .. \Under: date of A pril 11th , 1892 , Mr. Beach writes \ that for the ^ last four years (which is sine a his recovery.) ho has been emp loyed at the Cement works testing cement , a position that nono hut the ptrongest and healthiest of men could fill besides drivi ii\; ten miles a day to his home , and during that time has never lost n day. This grand condition of health I attribute entirely to the use of Dr. Kennedy ' s Favorite Remedy which saved me from a lin^criiitr lifc of f ur- lure and pain as all \ afflicted with Kid- ney troubles must suffer in time unless cured. \ Your* respceifullv . JOSEPH S. -BE ACn , Is this no lesson fo r You 'Peader? ¦ ^^ . ^^ ¦¦ Mi ^Ma ^HB ^Ka ^ESW ^^^ V Ought yo u not to tako this Rem- edy at onco? Jt ' a tho (liscovory of David Konnody. M.D., nnd is to* d ay being prescribed by thou- sands of physicians as tho only known euro fop thoso diseases. Try It now ! one day ' s delay may mean death. That slight pain in your bach is the danger signal?\'\ Choice Lager Beer In Bottles or Cases For Family or Otlier Use. \ITESKV B. I'OK'rms is now prepare.! to t~t supply families an-I ttie putilic generally wltti (ikuIMiE . MNliLKU'S CHOICE I.AttEK WKKK . In tiotttcstij the Jozeu or larger quantities , at lowest pricca. We claim that this beer is the iiest in the mar- ket: Try It ami «eel Di-IivoroU every day. Leave your enters at tlte BIJOU HOTEL AXD nESTAlTHANT . Main Sreet, Sag llarlior. HENRY B, PORTER , Proprietor. GKOUGE C. KA.YXOR, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLO R , NOTARY' PC15LIC. Office at P«M?on!c llant , K aliys ' lli.icK. «J4« 11^-tlK.r . 5. ' . Y. AOENTSWAXTEP FOK \WOVli Klt' OP XKW Voisr Oirv . ltsJ>is!»:- '» . ^^ ri >t« tnd Sin-s . \ >n «>le- tr»nV TOlam* of W» pp. »n.l s« <ott-p»Rr; uui»ir»tiuri i Th« i;re*telt sen*a««««» ot lhe «.ge. Outsell* ^1! ai licr «. CK > V » ttireo to ous. U^ro entenalnt tc th^u roruaace and far mora i»« »co>«i*« «ail proniable. l' ^Rfl*»«.l«ll». »i Co. lijll.Tl'OKP , t' OXN HKMHUKU KDtJlXtJS froaa two cents a >anl up at UllOWNS. C. 11- VAUGHN . Publi c Auctioneer , \ ' SAG-IU 'tltOK , i,. J. C. n. 5\Art5IIX oilers liw services lo the citizens o r »ne Han Kr.il ot Lon^ lslnii.l as a I'ul. ' .lc AwiMionecr- i' criions having any Vttul of personal property or rc«i rstaie wliUli thoy tvi*U to dispone of . CHII <Io SO i>y placing 1 lie sa.no ill hi* cliarjr e. Cau ht f.M.ii.l nt his residence in Henry St ,, near Uivisl-m St.. Sajr llarlior THOMAS F \ 13ISG00D , ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR , NOTA ' KV I'UnLIC. OFFICES OVKIt W , W , TtKJKKIfS 1>KV« STOltK SAC-HAKUOH . N. Y. W, H. TABOR , j\J EWSDEALER. p> __ t jit , , _ nEAIKJUAKTKKS FOU Daily and Weekly Papers ?oi Wo al.o han.lle SUNDAY r.U'KKS , aim for the conrenienec of customers our Newspaper Office will be open (rum l to i V. M. on suutlaj g. Oar Xawsp:iper List ts constanllv iiicreaslntr. and ire are now soiling -MOKK IW PSltS THAN BVBK I<HKOKK
