{ title: 'The freeman's journal. (Cooperstown, Otsego County, N.Y.) 1819-1922, September 09, 1844, Page 1, Image 1', download_links: [ { link: 'http://www.loc.gov/rss/ndnp/ndnp.xml', label: 'application/rss+xml', meta: 'News about NYS Historic Newspapers - RSS Feed', }, { link: '/lccn/sn83031222/1844-09-09/ed-1/seq-1/png/', label: 'image/png', meta: '', }, { link: '/lccn/sn83031222/1844-09-09/ed-1/seq-1.pdf', label: 'application/pdf', meta: '', }, { link: '/lccn/sn83031222/1844-09-09/ed-1/seq-1/ocr.xml', label: 'application/xml', meta: '', }, { link: '/lccn/sn83031222/1844-09-09/ed-1/seq-1/ocr.txt', label: 'text/plain', meta: '', }, ] }
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MU Mae for.'? isingiep dfli'yeWts i i classes, by ttatre ririMj* j <U>|<pay«btein Mtomcm.. <. - ■-■•*... MrQpdh ted Job rri®ti»g of all kinds, done neatly. J J t i W iigfrt’s # aiW u tertow ft \ ,-lsW tUflodeU l«r ilie DailyAUwnj Aigun. liKT W-RIQJlTgaid in the course. of the tajrfqfeuialicenf the services which for many .Yitgrfihai .been, .devolved upon him by the «iodn$sa of bis -fellosv-citizens,—he had Wen §W & # M ' “J*?p by citizens and subjects of foreign governdaents to converse about our Ipopuiar institutions, and when he fiad under- W^rr^ tofpll them that /vith us the people wqce.rUQt merp aubiecta to be governed, hut Vere apart of the government itself— aye, that “all the governpnent we Ifad rested on them as its’hates-’and received its direction /com their wili-w.it washa statement which they seldom failed.to receiyje with incre.ffuijty, The proud- 'esf-sinotnenf Jrh ms life wou Id be this, if now he coujd. havp ati intelligent citizen of one.of the ^nments of the old world standing by liis side, and could point him to this Vast assern. •bljgje and ask hint whethecJie did not” think tbo American people felt that they ware a m^l Qf thagqv.eriin)e|rt of tlie cuunu-y. Look, (cpntliiued Mr. Wr'nslf in this imaginary posi- tion, and speaking to a foreign subject by his' eilfeyteof at this_ sky (which was still loivore .jt^’foqd'at this assembled multitude, and tell- rat?,“ according to your notions of government, wtfStdiasbtought this great mass here; Would 'hdWdd-’believe'fhat itie because in your breasts restafehedeep)' abiding--Skfesciousaess that a ■elites has come in the affairs of our government demanding your earnest, patriotic attention, ’’ wifeout reference to the character of the whafebqr o„r the comfort df your position. Aye, iti w o u ld be a demonstration to such a man be, yflnd?the power o f argument; aud'fellow-citi- zenAr.AVQUld that-you had one more competent tlniK'X Sin to aid yep in the discharge of your froQfljqji.of.tliis Cpu 11 try. Vet called on asT/taye-been, with tlio Ut-nost cheeriulness, asjjjutjt^peclt in the debt of gratitude I owe to th^’jfe.mpcraoy o f this State and most especial ]y,t,e^tj\e (Jemorrary of Joftersoii, and ’Lewis, j, VOLUME EJ. consumed of foreign imported articles, a por tion which' are’ really tje.ceasaries - of life, or have become so among , all classes,' Another ‘portion w^f^ efopkati'cally luxuries. They were.putChased atid .consumed to gratify taste, the prjde of dress, the pride of living, the style of our houses, equipages, &c. Would he tax these two classes alike to raise revenue ?— Would liefex the necessaries pf-life which every man, woman and child must consume, and the luxuries of the rich equally 1 No. He would tax the necessaries .as' lightly as he could, and secure the necessary re venue; and he would tax the luxuries, .as • heavily as they could be without destroying' .revenue by cut-- ting up the trade. This was another gron'pd of discrimination. But there was another, and a third ground. There, were certain interests in thisconptry,which camein competition with similar, interests in foreign countrles-L-arid Mr. W. would discritninate in reference to them. When an importation came in competition with a domestic'article; he would raise the tax on the foreign grticle.as far as revenue required; to favor the domestic-. But he would not go so far as to defeat tlte object of the whole—^the obtaining of revenue for the treasury. To see b o w far VTO tnigh.fogo—ta k e ’first tlie agricultural interest of this section q f the coun try. W h e re were the articles you could ben efit by a tariff ! W h a t were our principal staple articles ! ’ Bread stuffs .w e re one.— Could you benefit the farmers anfl the growers o f bread-stuffs by putting a duty o » foreign bread-stuffs! No. W h y not! Because w e do not import bread-stuffs, but export them. W e looked/eft a market not merely to our ow n country, but to the whole world, and we- ■Hump ser|t our flour to all quarters7of •the' globe.— and Mswego and St. LntvrOnee, wilt f devote! W h a t, then, jriad e f e e -p w e .of.:««r flour, and th e S f e g t l i o f m y voice and the best exere. w h ere xipis it m a d e ! In . the g reat markets of tioni'foFmy feeble mind. \ . ’ I o u r country— in New-York, Boston and Phil- cE ^ y % leC tlon <Mr. WrtghtAventotObi-ings .adefehta principally. W h a t governed the with i t to-us, issues of vast importance ‘diviil. i Pr 'CC there ! VVas it the edl of o u rotyn peo- injf'Hbettvo p a rties of our count ir. T h is e lec-I pte°n 'huse tow n s fore-flour! N o ; but the- tiotYhras brouglit„along w ith it, with many I e n tire demand forflour in Now York, guvern- othefesrmuch- iisc-ussed before you fo u r years 1 e d the price there—as w ell the demand forex- ago, o n e - of p ervading antL uTmwtSiff interest.' r .jssjrnffion as for'fonsnm p iiom W h p t good i v •*. - then did Our d u ty on foreig do,.whon -foreign flour aria whoat did not come I refeiJto thb question of a tariff.- It is a viist then did our duty on foreign flour and wheat quektioni—a 'question of great complication; butiL-ifaeliove,\vith‘a]iu!o ofyourcalip, cfepas? AiOHjitWreflfictioh, aad a fair draft on your cun- (lo|bSte ban arrive at conclusions clear and it^htbtertetricatfetaubjeot. thg^wro, parties bn., this subject ! Our oppo- tts they are iu faVor of a protecuve of the whole country. That .we may'under stand .each othqr peflectly, let tiHirst ascer- tsH^ifwe-cau, tvftal. Bie-miim.ild.'.ptopcr.ly- am- dersfanfi by a protective tariff; forT believe a brief examinatioft^will satisfy us that a confu- gknkaad-inisftpptieetiuir oftcfTife bar produced atmuch difficulty ou this great question as any other cause. But first, to remove from ofitwsy, as democrats, a stumblng block which- owiiDgenious opponents piaco turicr— iei lib lonlr»fc.what they moan and how we should understand them u ’hen Uiey ie!! you that wo at*-the:froc-tra(le party of the country, and rd- fer-vou/o a nortion ofourbretliren ni- the South kho asmime that=namo. It- is a misappl ication nj forms fo us. W o knpw and foei it. Wo anoot in/avoroffreo-lrade in tiie proper, fair aqu,fogitim&te gen.se of these terms. Are onr Southern btefftrqn eo! Do they doairo, a repeal of »tl fftiticji, and' -chat tbo mecessary revenue •hall b e raiictTBy a direct tax on property!! I cannot-answer any farther than l am informed; butT w ill give you in candor and frankness tha-information I have. I admit when I saw thliTisuaae nrairmed by those who acted politi cally witli ine, at tha South, it startled and slailhedme. I could not conceive that mon of aenae, o f information, of extensive practical experience, should havejidopteti notions of that afoihp; as practicable under, oar government. . . 1 on us for discussion and action, I want to so tne of these Southern mem- bgpj of Congress whom I had known many year*, men of truth and candor, anil whom I had thought men o f sound views, anil said, ‘ I hfyr yp q to tell me, if you have satisfied yuur- seii.that,our fevbnue: system is all wroog— tbat w e ahouid .no longer tax foreign imports to foiiajevenuertn,sttppoft guvorttmcni, bul have a difect tax Upon tbe property of the country !* 1 l^i.aaM.Jthd first man I asked,' ‘Ientertain noauch-opinion—never have, apd I k.now pf nifhe; ‘who do.’ * Well, then, v. .11 you be good enpugh 'to tell mc vvliat ymt mean. You call ypiirself a fres-trado man V ‘ I do so, and! ' iitasui thls. •. I am friendly to having the trade ofthe country kept as free, as- it can he kept. aiE'miieAlie revenue necessary for the sup- p f l j ^ v e r f p e n t ; and when it is so, I call; if/ree-timdeibecause it is aa free as bur insti- Wiilpermit-’ ‘Then, sir, you are in fivor o f £ Mriff for revenue, and of so .much dljtyjes maybe necessary to support tbe gov- ejnmeijf'ifo/' Tp b e snre—as much so ns vour- wlf.1 UAndbpre was tlie.explanatiou. Though h*:6aHeefohimself a free-trade and anti-tariff teih.'K-ffjwS'mfavor of a tariff for cpconno. • *f- ppgoibv ouiy t o a tariff laid for the. mere putpoeeof protection alone. This was- the explanation giveti by all tiuree^ gentlemen of candjd, if.ijipy tdid The the truth, they are not fcaStfradlB mcivtlieagh (liey-eali-tiieirffcfves stir Ffflffree-trade necessarily implies an entire- •Kdence Of duuesjiand I have not yet met the is in favor of there! N6ne whatever, 5 The duty -\neither brought money into the treasury nor the pock ets of the farmer. This\ was no fault of the law, but resulted from the impossibility of^pro tecting an ariicie sottsto raisiftlie pncB,white .we; regularly exported it,- So-with ouy.heefs W e did not itnpert^boof for consumption.' We raised tnore than our own -people would buy. and we luoked to other countries for a market, for our surplus. Then tho duty undor lho prescnttar(ff(100 per cent oil the present price of beef) did ^ur farmers no good,' It could not. Follow on with yotir cheoso, Tlie^imsenLta, riff imposed h duty of nine cents a pound on cheese. Wherenyne the farmer pf this' or any other ecmftty of the State, \ylro could say that this has had even a little effect on his vboese tlta^year! [Laughter,] Aye, said -Mr. W4 I fear it will prove to be true that the farmer wjll bo glad to get evqn,hplf the, duty for tho whole price of his cheese. So the duty on theso articles was-of no practicable utility-#— not because the fault was in Congress or tlio /aw , butbecauBe wo-exported these articles, and thoy therefore co\'d not bo protected. If then these articles, wore out of the. reach of protection, so far the agricultural interest was beyond the reach of protection.. Whero did the farmer comp within i t ! On hts yvool.— W e never exported vvool. j Wo did not notv. W e did not grow as much its wo consuraetl Every ycar we imported foreign wool. Waaif not easj4|b see how our duty .protected our farmers 1 For when the, Spariiard or the Bol- gmn brought bis wool here,, he mfist first pay our duty and meet pur farmer* on equal terms. Tbe duty then was. a protection, and tho ar ticle was subject,to protection. It would be reached by Congress jn regulating this tariff law. He would, therffraiso the duty In'gb on wool, in pmpprttnn toSrticfes that reqnrrcd no protection. He Would do litis for the protec tion of one great interest. .DutcWouhl- ho go so high that wool could Tiot be imported Pro hibit importation, and thus defoat ntly revenue from Wool! If lie d:d, what wot;!'' he tho con sequence I It would give to tho farmer who raised wool, a perfect monopoly of the market They could command their-own price, accord - ■n«r tothe demand for wool, thcforcrgn article to act, to do what I believed to be right. I will give ofle inatance in which I thought the law defective. . A& te this very article of wool think the .duty on fine wool sufficiently high. 1 think with safety to our .farmers, it might be reduced spihe—made to yield more revenue, and yet be an equally effoctive pro tection to them. Whether I am mistaken or not, time will determine. But I speak of the duty pit coarse wool from abroad. There is a description invoiced abroad as costing not more than seven cents, which pays a duty 'of. live cefits^ on the dollar in value—a practical duty of thfee mills 011 the pound, of wool. It is said this w°nl don’t come in: competition with ours. We grow no wool worth seven cents, it is true; bufoottr farmers do raise wool that will answer the very same purpose that this does, to every practical extent. With tny own eyes on my journey from Washington in the month of June, / saw in,Vermont- a manufactory, sure rounded byjwool grbwers, employed busily and exclusively in working the wool of Smyrna, \which paid five cents duty 011 the dollar, or three , mills 011 the pound. Another factory across the street, wns working American wool : Both; make the same'gqods; saltinets for the New-York market. How,stood these maim* facturers with reference, to protection ! Pre cisely alike—the cloth made by each is protect ed by a'duty of forty cents on the dollar.. But the wool manufactured by the one is protected by a duty of. forty cents on ti\e dollar, and by the other, with a dutv of /re cents 011 the dplY lar,': Is the prqtqgtloD equal- here!\ It jf a proteetioii .to the manufacturer, equal in both cases. But if, the coarse wool was charged with as much” dutyas thofine, would I have toirtrjl ono mctcriY working the wool of Smyrna! Nbr Tf ifTS^jght tff protect-tlte mimnfaotweb it is, right to protect tbe farmer also, and to tho, samo cxtdut. This, is one defect There are a vast otany others. A great many duties un der this law are what are denominated specific duties ; not duties on the value, but dutias'-on the tpound weight of the goo.ds. . Take the' strong, firm, black silks; which is an .article worn generally ih all onr country towns Ami villages. Weigh a piece of it; value ir. It will weigh about double the same btimber of yarde d' tine, figured French folks.' It Will cost half as much money abroad. Yet\the pouniHveight pays the same duty of two and a half dollars, inthe one caso'and in tho other. What -ts\ tho conFequeivca! The plain fare mer’s and xne'chaniYsYarolly, w cannot indulge in silks boyond thq-plain sub. .slantinl dress, of the description-Thave desig nated, pay about double tho duty that tho fatni- ly does that indulges in tlte extra, fine and light silks of France. I think this is perverting tho whole matter. It you favored either, you should favpr those who pilrchnsa and wear the inord necessary article. I do not protend that ha ilk dress is necosssary; but it is vory de- sthflde ttnd comfortabio toOiir Wrves trad daugh ters and sisters, and wo dosire them to havo them; and because wo do, shall we pay. double or treble what the lady,does who is able to • wear the rich silks and gaudy, laces of foreign countries! -Again—our coarse cottons—-and I speak in the presence of those who understand tliis bet ter than f do—take otrr duty pn coUon innnu- facttires.- They are not specific; buttherois another contrivance applicable to them, catted a minimum duty, wljfoli may bo thus axplained. The law safs, every yard of couon, bleached or unbleached; ahali be valued when imported, at twonty1 conts the squorpyanl, ftnd'oit that- vaiue pay a duty of thirty cents on tlte dollar. Now, of all the-cottim worn by the mass of cttt- zeus of this country, what docs the square yard cost abroad where it comes from 1 ’ W hat do you suppose is the average! We purchase, i be hove, in tliefetail stores,*at from 6 to 10 cents: It is a very fine and rich article; whon you go beyond tliat. Tho average would bo 10 or. 12 J cent?. What would he tlie cost ahroad ! Some of it at 6 or 7 corns—tho mass of it. What ts . thp village of Watertowtp are manufacturers, I believe of cptton and wfool, and all about you are farmers raising grain, Mef, pork, and making butter -and cheese. Now the manufacturers are protected -by a'dnty |f^qy*,3Q, 40, 50; 60 per cent, on these Srticle£4it leaaivan average of 30 o r40.' ''We. .will • '-airainS'^irte^eao. afford to pay 20 or 80 pericent. more for labor. ; But the fanners all aboulfhem, tfie mechanics in the village qot bugagef in these branches of manufacture cannot affore to pay more. 1 Will tlte Manufacturer say. .‘‘Here is a farmer—he Can’t pay tnore thap T tfofldfs a month—but Jr am .protected—I can eflbtil 15 dollars.'’ Is that your experience 4 ' I doubt not there are many laboring men here|- Or will the.mamre. factUrer come to you anffpay just as little as will hire you away ffom tjie farmers! ‘If jfie farmer pays ten dollars, the manufacturer will pay eleven. Blit, tliongfi he can afford il, will - he’pay fifteen! My exfterience is not so.- My study iff humanpjature teaches that it is no’t so. Every matt will hire labor as cheaply as Jte cani anffpay foioUgbroniylo hire the best labor. One farmer turns hia Ittehtibn tt, growing wooh He watUsitR^OTjhree hired nfon. A* neighbor of his raises meat, and he wants otrdio.q.teyp or three. Another neighbor raises, cattle\and keeps a dairy,. Well, tho wool- rower is protected by 4|) per cent on wool. )oes he pay 40 per cept. more for'the.labor ho hire’s, ’than the man who hires labor for his grain or beh/ j No. ‘ A3] pay 8S I M e as they c«n'4ommand the labor for. If there fo a de- ficietfcy.qf labor, the wool grower would, mobt likely, get it, for he carregive most Don’t un- deiiiptiul ine to suppose thatthe farmer roceives the same compensation.fgr labor that the manu facturer does—hut -I mean according to the ■htfinch of Iqbo'f in which fi is employjed, VYhat controls Tho price of labor! The aggregate demand for labor in the Whole; -All who Want tp hire will go. info tha iaiiio market, and si? pay nearly the same rate fof tvage3, in propor tion to the descripUori of. labor they wa'ilt.— Now you can’t protegf but one Out of spveral branqjves of agi-icultural indiistry. How theii can you protect labor bytextonding a monopoly to them! - N o further than you can extend .the aggregate demand\ fer labor, and raise up the whole. And yep can judge how far pro tection op wool Will rpiso the price of the whole agricultural laborfef tiie country- , But our opponents tell usvoujstop sliort.— There Is another positron that will help yn.u ruot oi out of difliculty, \You na.ual change your sys tem, arid by your, prolilbiiory policy turn bo mpch labor to mjinufactilring empJoyjioijts thaVtlie manufacturers arid mechanics wiil eat upail the agrftultural products of tfie country. 1 hen you-give a home.qriarkct to our farmprs, and thus protect all tfifer productions, That tf true. It. .by law, yeti can turn so imnfli o f raise wool, and must wear woollen cloth,must pay more., And whero was hisromuncration! If fie paid a revenue duty, his remuneration you be «ootf ^uttld bo revenue,and .t«xart<m.-» “ But ff foregnwrri'l was prohibited, it paid noth ing into the treasury, and in addition td the price of woojjen cloth, something.else jnttst be taxed. This wodid bo clearly not protec tion, bnt prohibition. * And -bore was tiie dif. ference between 11s and .our respected oppo nents. They Went for all the dpty thev qCuld get—all you could imp >se—'for prohibitory, in stead of protective duties. This jVIr. W . tvas against. He would not ratsetep a monopoly among our formers, any soone.r than among pur manufacturers; arid no sooner among onr m anu facturers, than others- He believed iri fair fiealthfitl con-ipetition, in every tradeaiid every thiiig. ' Bul he would protect tile farmer whore he could. See tlio inequality (continued Mr. W.) of this prohibitory pul icy, - tn reference to wool, you benefit tlie farmer and give him a monopO-- graiu ; another beef, another butter and cheese and pnrk. 1 You catrriot protect them; and-ye't imit-m.conversation liiat lie tech.* principle. 1 Mr W Went on to ajve f tb another tnisap. plifiatton of terms. lie said to these gentle. aqp that: h* was in favor of a protective’tariff fedrtfie-reply was, ‘ you are tn favor of a here- sfiin-bpprfesaioU an inequality inthe atimin- 1^ 1(6 0 'pf tffe government.- But what was a jpotpftttvs tariff -in the proper sense of That edfor the great purpose of supplying the gov- qri)ipept, with revenue, and so arranged as to. they may he protected,- all the jrtfthictereati pf the conatryr--the. inain and pripcitoai object of Vvhidlt should be revenue Even Ms Southhwr ffpid.v<oqld.'teJl hitm that he found no fault Wilh'that—out what hit- understood by a pro. would be a tariff of duties impos- ; *pbtTo1raite fevbnue for tfieareasury, ;but to “ptetect ceftain favorite alia particular .interests to the prejudice of. otli. ■teLNfedtheiiwas Mr. W . in fovor of *foch-a t ^ . 5-“jaiilijSillffdri,-r.WaSanexpianati What ^ ^ ^ u ^ ^ f iD r f l t e c j iy e tariff 4md o f wjtah '1 hw Bouthrirn friend .meant by fiee trade.-- lWbm|£th*n was thedifference between us! dift. hirtrile -would be’ in ar- a revenue tariff. He would by no iyjihe same rate of duty on every ar- The thinffWad itrijjtActi, ‘becqcuse one -article would not f'cent.',\'until you ’ prohibited if, and ue- Ano/hei- Would bedt 50 traaq hold wp,.from the .jr;W Ihflurafcfe? '1t WhS'aSiurff fri ri t-rire itHfiiafo tri usy, ‘pui’s -fiftiform duty on /B e c a u s e do that, and you either fail to Rlarifior yott prohibit the t t | i $ ^ | i ,altegeffier. Mr. W . would then : dileritftiffete according to the natiire of the aft tic)*.' BPhat would hc.one ground ofdiscrfrriia- »lkm. Aftolher' :groun<l. Every community consumplionftd supply the treasury the ’reve nue of which it re deprived\ by your profirbrtion of wool Is this fair, Usefu’, equal, just 1 To ray itiind it is not either. So lone as you de rive the revenue,’imd-your duty is a revenue, duty, with protection incident, all other inter- ests derive an equivalent, because you get rev enue. But prohibition sinks revenue and raises-the pfice. In other Wordsyou establish Carry this along to the manUfa&tu'rdd ter. ticfe Wool is the essential article of northern agriculture which can be protected. Hemp, in the south-west arid \ve.stc,an be protected, though I tliink the time is close by wlfeu that will cease—for already several cargoes of American hemp have gone.to Europe, and the experiment has proved very fortunate. As the new States continue to open, it, will come to be an article of, exportation. Now, it is pro- tooted.. The sugar of the South is a protected article. It is highly protected. But protec tion there yields revenue. It soundly taxes us, as overy- hqdy can testify. We don’t corn- ■ plain. Lot it go reasonably there. But' sup- ppse.you carry, the duty to prohibition, and tq prxwect'the sugar,growers of Louisiana, entire ly exclude the foreign article. What would rife pay for sugar! and what' our' remunera tion for-wtkthree millions of revenue from sug:ar.,. We-«liorild be taxed ori some other necessary articfej to supply the deficiency in tlreT-reasufy. Thlf-fo ;an* illustration of the prohibitory*system, arifcTf ft fa just arid -politic m ono instance, one interest wijl demand il qs strongly as another. ■ , Huringthe iast.sessibh, .! wa,onc 0f those5 who was willing to modify the prasent tariff. I would not have agitated thir »q.bject volun- tarily, ahliodgh I belidved that while the law contained many good things, it alio ccmtained many unjftst and bad ones. But I wag willing, when the subject came up and I,was compelled the productive labor of-tlio dountry to manu lacturing and the ■■ mechanic -arts, as to make theso Branches equal toYlioconsumptionofail ihe ngcKjultural products* and w e cease to ex port bread Stuff), beef, &C-, tlion you can prOr tect tiie-fermer in his whole,interest. But how will it then stand with tho manufacturing and mechanic interests! YVill the -Tarmors-bb able to turn round and buy all the manufac tures. of th* country ! For if tlioy can’t, your system is /wrt as bftd, only you ;ha?e changed sides. [Lattghtor.] Nfiw tlio farmer cannot be protoctetl».even tlioughtliaro are heavy du ties on. the agricuIturaL Aiiports. Then, the farmer would bo protected to ltm whole exioni, mid the manufacturer'cq«i)d iiot be protected at ; h*Cau80, for iwo-thirdsmf their nrliales. they must depend upon exportation—and the moment they'nro compelled to go abroad for a market, they aro as inucli boyond protection as tho fornterls now. Then,how will it aland! Witi tho errantry rio the gainer! Will it be tn- a more prosperous and lioahhy conditftm ! anil especially will tlie manufacturing hml ine- ctiameai interests be bettor off! YVo can answer thm question if We w.ll holiovo tn experience and liis'ory. Tho government the duty! Why, you must value liicr yard at * or tiKnt Britaiti, to which, wo are poirilmribr 2f* ceut?, and at that valne pay* a duty of 30 cents on the dollar. You value it at two or three times as much ay-it is worth, then add: thirty per cent—-thus making the duty sixty or ninety, and as the tables will show, one ban-- Ired and twenty per cent. Take those who can afford the shirtings Thirty per cent duty. Hero tho true principle .» roverM*!. The necessary- a r t ic le ts taxed fhe highest, if not entirely prohibited. I be lieve it iq prohibited ; but the domestic com petition rel.cves us friaw a grio.:#*..**.**!*?!/ to'tiint pnrt of the tariff Take up the tallies of imporrarlAns, and you will findlhe bleached cottons coming in on the highest valuations. Take the. caltcos. Value every square yard at 30 cents; then charge a duty of 30 per com. on that. All of you purchase calico. What do yoajfoy for the mas? of Wesrjn tins country! Twelye and a half or sixteen cents. But the statute Values it at 30, and then charges, a duty of 30 cents on the dollar. Take calico which costs abroad 30 cents. That pays 30 per cent, duty ; while the plain and cheap arti cles, in common use, pays double arid treble that ■duty. Hbre the true principle is again reversed. The cheaper, arid necessary article ts ttlb highest taxed. There is a discrimina tion—but the Wrong way. And he re I think the IaW detective. I doubt if you don’t ffigi criminate enough on these goods, when you make a unifofni'dutyten th® value ob aS. If it ts necessary to tax cottons 30 per cent, tax' all the same. Not put an artificial value on the poorer article to increase the duty. Still I an example of the-wisdom--of- this prohi. bitory policy, have gone through with tins.— They liave tried the experiment, and mostef- lectually. They have coniinoncett by protec tion to maiialacturcs, by 7 0 and 100 per cent, duties But thoy had a more efficient'system and sheetings that than we Imve. The British Government,ttei- \ the- depends on public opinion nor on constr- us on—because hy taxation you can drive us into unejanr.pled prosperity!’ [Laughtefi] Fellow citizens, it is a fallacy. Dive'st the hu man mind of prejudice, and-it will detect the fallacy at once. • It is not a system of bless ings at all ; and if your' government required no revenue, no congress would be permitted to lay taxes to tax you into-prosperity, This is all the benefit—all the honest part o f the in- vention— that by a just regard to the different interest of the country, by an honest exertion qf the'taxing power, you may relieve burthens on the community. Tax lightly the necessa ries of life, and you relieve taxation; ori the poor and laboring classes# Tax heavily the luxuries,.and you. reach -property tliat should bear the heaviest portion of taxation. Where' your interest conflict with foreign interests,bear taxation.on the foreign article as hard as it will bear, consistently with revenue. You will fill the treason; and relieve taxation from another so'urce.. What I pay more for , iny coat or cot ton wear, % do not pay ’off anything else— whilst I aid an important interest. But the moment you depart from that principle, I have shown you by the history of tfie old govern ments of this world, where the mistake must lead. ; . - • c . ' - - ;— s. „ ...ms'T’: V\( ■ ... FiQiji.ilieCUuhs. Tjie Conservatire Party of England. Wo cut the conclusion from an iidmivable speech df Mr. Fox, (who seems to inherit the powers ofthe orator,, with his illustrious riarne.) which, in describing the conservative party of Enrglaijd, with, Mr, Peewits premier, gives us a picture of our own, as if stood with Mr. Webster, for its prime minister, under Har rison hud Tyler.’ /The deliueatiori given of Sir Robert Reel’s political eliaracter is a per fect |»rtrait of-Mr. Webster’s. • But it is: won derful that the traits which djstmguislted alike the two conservative leadersj should exist in men so utterly dissimilar irt-'private life. Sir Robert Peel is> an honest man7 arid % man of truth', Mr.. Webster, as everybody- hnows, is utterly destitute of truth and hondity- - Mr. Fox jjotenlly. conjttse3 up before Lofd Wellington arid his conservative’ hrethren, feasting in honor of the day. of Waterloo, tlte destiny that- then fell upon the champion of the system which they now uphold. The ex tract will be read with zest by every man of taste or liberal feelings, especially by sqch as like tocoropare striking analogies. EXTRACT. Why, there tlfey are—high _ church and- moderate church—ancient tories and 'modern conservative*—young England and old Eng land,—there they are, till the Premier, stirring up the heterogeneous materials, may well ex claim : \Double double toil and trouble; “ ' Fire,burn;and,caldron,bubble.\ rLaughlerJ And this is Sir Robert Peel's \great censer Vative party,” which I10 was ten years in atrial- gamating [Cheers and laughter.] The pres ent condition o f lho House of Commons reads a vory impressive moral lesson to statesman#, to avojd in futuro the endeavor at forming a party wifhout a principle; or, what is pretty much as bad, tho formation of a party with party half-a-drizon antagonistic principles. Irioppo- sition, Sir Robert Pecfcourted them all, avqid. ing the committing of himself \vith wonderful dexterity; but still each was given to under- stand—confidentially ad it were—that .there was'good in tfie combination. It was only to unseat the whies, and the rest was all'to fol low. The amalgamation succoudod so for, and now it oxlnbits tiio right honorable baronet in tho .most pitiable position tn which, ! think, a prime minister had over bdeti placed. [Cheers.] Needed for his dexterity, and tolerated for nothing else, there fie is,\toil ing at their work: needed by all, scorned by all, thwarted by all, arid the reproaches “boijiring this marvelloua uniformity—-that they al! strike in end direc- tion ; nobody arcuses him of being so Sturdy ttt bis princ ples that lie Ts impracticable—-no one charges him with being rash, and going to fvtrorite lengths itr tho carrying out What is right and the proper, but every one allround intimates “treachery.\ The word \trickster is on all their tongues: and, as tlfey Search thoir calendars .over, tfiey-ali agree in giving him Judas for liis patron saint '[Loud and prolonged cheering.J In this age of invention tutionai restriction*, to carry forward its policy. I and discovery we slmujd fie- astonished 01 l'»t Wliat did they do ! At tbe siart, when it be- j tew things, noveities follow with such tnarvol- camc an object o( government lo protecta ear- j lous rapidity, and aro often of so extraorditHiry ticular interest, they said in tomm. in tho law, 1 a nature ; but not the least astoundmrr js the itii-r so iti trortre uuported. Aultfof\ ■ ' \ warriors who triumphed over one blockade of Great Brittyn, think well before they support a class .wjhich, in its: turn, attempts also to blockade Great Britain. [Hear.] 5 The com laws,are a blockade.. Th.ey warm forefgq shipsfrotB our shores j they cut offour supply of food; they treat us like a besieged people; they girt us round as though they wouldstarve' us but. The blockade which the Duke-of Wellington raised bv his arms was not more essentially a blockade than this of monopoly, only the latter has not, the pretence o f being imposed for a great national policy like the former, but for a paltry , class interest. It. is .not that the lordship of Europe is at stake in the contest, but merely that so much tnore rent per annum is at issue, /Cheers.] It is r.ol that kings come into conflict wife nations, but it is that those whose property lies in the-niari- • ufaeture of food and in the production pf fish in the waters,—[laughter]—or_even canary-, sceu fof birds, feel their interests at stake, and therefore wage war and •< endeavor to encom pass with their blockade the. industrious and toiling multitudes of England. [Cheers.] Tho system of monopoly is as anti-national as the commercial policy of Napoleon was hos tile to the interest of Europe; audli can no more last than did that of the French Emperor. No power, whatever victories, it may have achieved, can sustain this imposition of monop oly ; the blockade will have itb Waterloo of final defeat, and monopolist legislation .its'St, Helena of exjle frum tho boundaries of the civilized world, [Loud cfieors.-] I trust that the warriors, who yesterday asembled, satisfied with the laurels they have gained, rejoice in their hearts that there has not Sint-e been occasion for morn laurels, and thatthe peace has keen •.nnbroken-j”lontj-may it CQntinueso. [Hear, hear.] But whether, we ascribe the cessation of warfare to the ex. haustion ofthe resources of nations—which no doubt hag much to dq with it, or to tho .growth o'f opinion—and that, I trust, has also some influence in the matter—I mean the opinion which deprecates an appeal tothe sword for the settlement of questions between nation and' nation, which may be adjusted amicably, as well as those of individuals were there Is mutual consideration and forbearance —wherever these are, in whatever propor tions their combinations be, thc-oauses—the antagonist principles io warfare—arg also tbe antagonist pririciples to mbnqpoly. If nations -cannot figlrt because-t-hey- are exhausted, as suredly they cannot bear the pressure of mo- nopoly when their rasonrces are exhausted. Ifopinion has set in strorigly against the con flict 6f nation wife nation, opinion ia equally divided against the conflicts of class With class, especially of thp rich and. powerfufi with, the poor and laborious, for a portion ortheir earn- tngr. /tflie'ersr]”\Tliese same fu s e s ' will work oa ia correction of fee ono mischief, 1 trust, as tfiey have done in correction of tbo other. The features are the same of these two sorts of evil: if war impoverishes, If it Brings- down the merchant/rom his height of fortune, lays waste the resqrees of the nation, qnd crushes the poor into yet deeper poverty, why, monopoly re-enacts these sefiries, and carries on its oppressive influence from year to year. If war desolates tho fair face of nature, makes ruin* of cities, and a desert where fields, had been covered with the waving corn, what is' the tendency of monopoly also, but to make grass grow in populous towns, keep large tracts of country a desert, which might other wise have bdrno their abundant harvest for the consumption by means of free trade o f labor ing multitudes in distant-lands! If war kills, if it stains fee field ofstrifqjHfei human blood, monopoly deatroyt human life also by hun dreds and thousands from ycar-to year, and that, too, by lingering agonies, far worsq to endure than the short stroke oTthri sword or the comtOtreball, If war demoralizes, training thieves whom peaee^brtngs to the gafiowsy monopoly demoralizes- also, opening up the sources of crime, spreading it ferough the dif ferent ranks of eoblOty, and inciting- to tlieft and violence, until it fills our jails and.calls down the vengeance of fee laws. [Cheers.] Alike in tbe evils they generate, and opposed by tho same antagonistic principles, I rely on one Overrating process for the destruction of both—the same moral law condemns both sys tems for their criminality# and the same Divine Providence will ultimately work for both a tp-.' ' two cen- Sir Robert Peei of the W W tW fi Extracts from, a Sermon p t eitcktd hy ih* Dr Lyman Beeobee, neatly forty Tjsxi —And judgment Is turned ftftr Bwfewftiiti Snd justice stnndeth afaf- off: for truth i» falteo IB litre •treols; and equity cannot enter—fsstttf It* -Mi - - - AN IMPORTAN1 Q,ULi>iION '' ; It vyjff be demanded How t »n people prti [ vent dneliing!'' By withholding your suf frage from' every-mart whose fiandsaro-^tampdri tfoni ' blood, of has, firign directly or iticfifaetly* concerned iii a duel, and by’ intrusting td ra*p %. of fair tttorai character.and moral priricjplpefe* ’ making and execution of your .tewfo ' \/' j Requirements i f Christianity. ] The pievation tff duelirts toipowor is a phfei' :-tice iri direct Opposition1 to th e precepta Of.th* Yfertsfian' refigton, 'the .character o f G od Has himself prescribed. They m u s t fidK_ , just m e n -^suclf as fear God, a terroi tf,evilBq< ‘ ers kflii i praise to them tliat well. D » duel, ists answer to tfeis description! A'r« thejf just men ? Do they f e a r G o d j , look a tt h e if law5of honqr. Its'pre’ce’pts, iike thosqof Dot- : : co, are written in bloocj., The Duelist is a Murderer. ‘ Shall wo snatch from the dungeon and tW . gallows tlfo victim of justice, to invest 'feetri , witlt power, and adorn them witli dignity and. honor! I do not hesitate, to say tliat every du* , eiist is a murderer—■he haB saidsohifoself* Ha- has avowed as his own, principles of murder ;, he tells you that, if occasion calls,. &riil hisfikill s be sufficient, :he will murder. Aud, vvhdn fie has stood forth in the field o f combat, and aim-' ed tho deadly weapon, aiid through want of .. skillvonly, of throttgh fear aad tretnbliag', ha*1 failed to prostrate his’Victim, is he therefor* ; nqt a murderer-! # Is tfig-profe^ d.m]jifiij;»f f tils in his aitemptj therefore- notgrobHq?7 ’ I f i the assassin, because his thrust was riot daadl., ly, therefore nut an assassin ! '■ ^ Party Politics nothing--Moral Principle 0%. ' erything. ... ^ I kiipw it is said that mnan’s prinfipjes and his private character are 110th ing'to us.' If hI5\, ability be adequate and his politics cgrrect».ahj his public -cauduct-,.he- yet, irreproachable, tip*,; i-s-sufficient. But are you prepared to be tha' ’ dupes ot such wild absurd.ty ! - ^ \ . Aecordtng toihts seiaiiii.e.nt,:a maii.taay ssft his mouth against the\ Tiewens—ho may bs. s .. •[runkard in the inter vals of official duty, a prdtf- igal, a tyrant, and still be trumpeted by ,up- principied politicians and electioiieering hand bills, as the greatchainpi.011 of liberty, the very.. Atlas on whose shoulders rests tho destiny of his country. But what is a man’s puitiicrif creed, what is his past coidoratitv tdyour wish-#.* es, when hts profligate private life demonstrate* , that he is prepared to betray you tho first mo-- • mant he slall find it for lna interest! Djspons* ■ wife moral principle, andpriyatc virtue,and;all is goiifi. You can find no substitute; honnria 'a coKveb, and patriotism an empty name, in: jllte hopr of tridi. ~ AduiUlftaf Uiero’ are. In# stances, in which men dest itute of principlft - ' “HaTfe acted wufe integrity iu prifilio station*; can you tell me how many thousands have be-’- trayed' their trusts for ivarit o f it! These art exempt cases—the persons did not happen to j- be tetnpted, But do you dasire iio heite’r pledg*,, of rectitude than the more absence of tempts- , tion! ...7 . A _______ — Will you confldo In thieves and swindler* to legislate, because two in a thousand, though— utterly unprincipted, may liave found it for their . interest not to cheat you! It.-is in trying emergencies, when the price o f perflxly is high, - and temptation imperious, that unprincipled < men aro weighed in the balance.and found; wanting.. And will you appoint cowards and ' traitors tocommand your arm ies, because thoy might answer in- time of peace-!- Why ^dqer this lingering confidence in the duelist still - ' survive tho extinction <>f tnornf. principle!—q One crime of equal magnitude in anjj; other’ , case would decide his fate forever, - Peculiar Education no Excuse’. But alas ! tliolluehst, frail nian, isovercom# by temptation. He has peculiar Bonsibifitiesr! habits of education, and modes of thinkingr > which in this one case,' led him astray, tvithout; inferring at all a general deficiency of principle,, j religious or moriil. In plain language, becautii e the duelist ts cdncated a duofist, thtr crimerif wilful murder in hrin -is very small, and.is con- 1 sistent with r.eligmus and moral principle- -If men, Uicti, are only educated to thieving, as'- reasoning, they are so familiarized to crime a*;- torob and stoai, and destroy, life, Without much consciousness of guilt, thefo indeed, they4 rittf svery honest men, arid are fit to superintend fe* affairs of the nation» . Pernicious example o f Duellir% Legislators, To pass over the crimes of tfie deepest dye, I ibay ’epen say, this rewarding feem wife the profits and honors of the state, confounds ill, the public milt/ the distinctions bttweeft Vlft, tne and vteri, am[ jvcsk£n5 that re‘hofrerice of tal annihilation. (Mr. Fox concluded liis ad. | cnme, which is the guardian of public morality. Elevate swmdlprs tti office, and who Shall guar antee the integrity of tho common people! El- , i ............ • r . ,, , • . . . r \ '* v ftvoucii rwi u, m e , r tt niter* ; ruuusr uriwrru luim. ; evate adulterer.; and who shoJl.punish, ineoit- tor:e?»tho iuipo.Uuou of wuul.en, cloth mto ( pnaapte v f ftts<Jdmtnts!rafton;\wnieit tor lias >' * ,, , , 1 lincriee'* Hkt ate mj-dererS-rii»d who-will b® pivrrhh.1 <vvs Mtwlo nrnhiKito.l .1 _e ^ .. .... Agricuburo nooJsL.uo.pcqLectlon. -ll.C lay,. !1Iie‘lce - .kWA-*W mj.Ucr.rS,«nu nQQlElM S* dress amidst enthusiastic applause.) PnrmeTs! clioose liclwocu thorn. e^tentfit' wha.tls just—these manufacturers of cotton and wool. They should be protected,\ bul not in this unequal way. Let us consider (continued Mre W.) as con nected with these articles, the prohibitory poli- cy—for that is. tlvg policy of our oppo’nents. Suppose we carry our duty on Woollens and cottons up to prohibition—and to protect our manufacturers, and incidentally, in fee article of wool, our farmers.\ We go so high witlt our duty as to prohibit inipoftatiqn. .Yve’firstgive our manufacturer* ri monopoly qf the market. Then we have only domestic competition to protect u8 ■frotn oxiiorbitant prices. But’ we. lose six millions of revenue, and we must be taxed on some . other article's, to make it up. And I ask any man who has any curiosi ty to examine this subject, to go to the tables of importations, for any number of years, arid see on what he can lay duties to-supply this de ficiency of six millions made by raising this prohibition. I know of none but the tea and coffee; which are now free. And would it bq right to give tho inantfTacturerS of wool and cotton the monopoly of the market, and then tax the whole coihtnunity on these necessaries of life! ! believb it would be unjust, unequal, and niOBt impolitic, . : , But, We arb told, this policy is necessary to protect the labor of the country—and that it js the productive labor of the Union which we desire to protect byfiiis prohibitory system. Let us see how far fee labor of the country can be protected—-how far it Is in the power of CorigrOqp to protect it. We have already seen feat labor employed in raising grairi, Jbeef, pork, butter aud cheese, cannot be protected, because5 you cahnrit by duties change the value of them. .Mffcjftxport them. Then you cannot protect lhat class of the labor of. the country. You- can protect in this senso-the manufacturing la bor, Let us see how it will operate, and how far labor will be benefitted, Hefe_(ttjiudtrig to -to fee ftrilf great c ount t y ! - ft -tsbecatisetht; England waa entirely prohibited—no duty about it. It was made pem] fu? any subject to wear doth hot wove and spun Within the realm. ^ Well, they forced enough of their population tnte manufaeturiog, to consume all the products qf agriculture. VYhdt is thecoo- seque.nee! Population increased. The farm ing interest turned brick on ilioni and demand- edprqtection against foreign liread, and foreign moat, aad foreign provisions,' and now have got a protective duty of more than ,100 per cent on every- necessary of life— and the manufacturing.labor of the fountry is starving to death. That is experience. There the thing has been tried. And now they have got t'o-a poirit which is unchanging so long as the agricultural interest can d&nirol. Lot me add a word which inay he relevant ;lo a state of things with Us. How is it that' the agricultural iuterest of Great Britain, com posing seven per cent of its population, is to command the legislative policy • b f that „ the course of the, pursuit of this pokey, has bfittt tip \a debt resting dnihe land Of fee country—the stock held by the landholders aud landlords of the country—which the .gov, ernmcrii can't pay—arid through its credit and its debt, the landed iuterest commands arid must command, white that monarchy / exists, its legislative policy. And it feah, command protection to its wheat and beef, and tefief pro- doctions while tho laborer starves] ritfifs locfm andspiiinifig jffiiiiy. Do vtre, feilow.citizens—: arid 1 am sure I adiress a people a large mar jority of whom are farmers—do We delire any monopoly to the agricultural interest. [Cries “no,” “no.”] Then, the manufacturing and mechanical interest Silbuld not—as w iso men among feem do not—desire to drive the agri cultural interest, by seeking a monopoly for themselves, to this result. Because t h e . road is plain. It is a beaten track. Not England alone, but France, Spain,. Austria, have frf- lowed.it to the same Conclusion. Now, the argument is-—‘protection against the, pauper |ribor of Europe.’ Ho .v has that pauper labor ; been produced ! By carrying out the prohib itory policy. We should .profoot ourselves to the whole extent of the revenue of our gov ernment, with the exception: of vyhat we erijoy without taxation, by duties on imports. Be yond that it wopld he impolitic, as It Would be unj.ust, to go. But 1 am detaining ypu too long on this subject. Another word shall close. What is this system of benefits whteb our opponents so urgo upon us, and tetippose which they say, is anti-patriotio and anti-American ! Strip it’of its imaginary qaalitjes, and ofthe beauties of rhetoric in which they dress it up, and it is a system of taxation on the people. And did our Revolutionary fathers ever dream, when they were conferring en the _ federal government this tremendouspawer of taxation,, that,the people were to stand up in mads and instruct their representatives—‘tax us on—tax just fount) out is tho relaxation.of our commer cial syetmn of prohibition and protection, and the letting in, tn competition, the articles pro duced in other countries with similar articles produced in this. He did not make this dis covery before fie came mttrotfice; there\ was no announcement of it in the Tamwortn mani festo; and it was never proclaimed on the hustings in the election of 18-11. He comes out with it only how that he is in a difficult and entangled position. Let his- followers think wliat they will of his new principles, it may recomntend some of his measures to us, but it wiW nol commend himself, [Hear, hoar.] It cap attract no confidence in any quarter. When tlie time shall come—a period which the pragmaticahty of the whig party makes not impossible—that some statesmen must propose the total repeal pf the corn laws, it may, be that Sir Robert Peel will do. i t : from his hands, as from any other, we will take that repeal, but not as from a champion; not as “Theploughman, who fastens his plough to the tail of his cattle, will not own there is any other mode equal to his .”— Henry Clay. “ Fair and jusi protection to al) the great in terests of the whole Union, ~ cfnbracriig Ar.itt- COLTURE, manufactures, the mechan-c arte, codifnorce, and navigation :”— James K. Polk, d e n C e , _ _ ........ . aTTalong dallied with the wrong, and paraded it while it gave him political power, and who, therefore, can only take his place amongst those whom tlie might of public opinion has conquered into the allowance of a good to a na tion that ought never to have been, refused, [Cheers,] I have often in this.place addressed earnest tocoanrtcndatfons to those who assenA hie here, that they should exert themselves, in suchways as their circumstances allow, for the furtherance of ottreause ; feat they should pay altontion,: lor instance, to the registratiqit, and do whatever they can to .get those who are entitled to vote, and.who arq friends of o u t ob jects, to place themselves in a position for the exercise of their political rights; that they should exert themselves iiv canvassing; and, by the-distributiou of tracts and conversation, spread abroad the knowledge of our principles, and the conviction of their truth. I will only briefly advert to one other topic. , Yesterday was. the anniversary of.fee Rattle of Waterloo. The warriors who won that tremendous fight are enjoying their laurels. Many 61 them are in a very influential position; rind I could wish to their minds an inquiry into what it was that had weakened the social power-of Napoleon, before his military strength'received the corn# plete destruction which it Waterloo. Now I believe that, in tracing the course of events, we should have to go back to the time when his Berlin decree declared the British islands in a state of blockade. The laws of trade, it has been’said; and most truly so; crushed him like a weed. Opinion had ebbed : from hint; destroying tho allegiance and re# spect for his polrcy all over Europe, before fee prpdigious reverse which his arms sustain ed on the 18th o# June. The system wa* hol- Itftv, and he himself gave it tho first great blow iri those anti-cotoriiercial proclamatiSns to which ! have referrod. Well, then, let the A N ew W ay to get N ew C lothes —C au tion to S trangers .—A few days since, a gentleman from the South, stopping at ‘the Astor House, had a new coat sent him from his tailor’s, and carelessly throw it on the'bed; while lie was silting in his room. The mes senger who^.brought it had. been gone but a few minutes, Wheii a gentle tap was heard at Iris door, which Vvqs answered by an invitation to “come in,” when a respectable looking per son presented himself, and asked if this was Mr.-—’s room. On being answered in the affirmative, the stranger stated that he had E k u fee avengers of blood ! I But waiving all moral considerations; what i security have We that the duofist will not de- [. I sert us in the hour of danger? What security \ 1 can we have,, when it. i/ m the power of some , factions rival who can shoot straight, to compel him to the field; and. by destroying liis life# to j derange, pfilinjra kituiiiuai;,- inc govertitnGijt.! j The sj’sfem of ^dueling is a sy stem of despot- ] ism, fe.aditig directly aad poacrfullv. to the des potism, ten Jutg'directly and powerfully .to\ tfis : destruction of liberty. The feelings of the d u / ■elist are ungodly feelings ; the haughtiness of pride and relentless revenge, and which, in stead of: a dispensation for indulgence, deserve thechastiserneut of scorpions. To reduce suclt unruly' spirits’, the law should brandish -all it* thunders. To elevate duelists to office, the deliberate’ contemnerF of law, is to place thoir examplS in , the most conspicuous point of view, .and to, clo*he it with most wulul 0 - take,and he would send rip fee right cne in a fow minutes.” Nothing doubting, the coat: was allowed to be removed; but no other pre sented itself, inquiries were instituted,. which showed, that the coat had passed from fee purchaser’s hands, never to return. As the boy was carrying it home, a stranger accost- od him, nfepfl whothyfabric was for, thn num. bef of his room, made some excuse for his curiosity, and passed on to Watch fee boy’s egress, and made the attemptwhich proved so successful.— Amsricmt Republican. H orrible - M urder — The Lexington (Ky.) Inquirer says ;— Mrs. Turner, widow of the late'Judge F. L. Turner, was murdered by one of her negro servants yesterday morn, abouit mtri rise. She was reprimanding the man for im# prudent language, used towards her the even ing before, when he seia«4«fi.e* by the nock, and before any one could come tojieraid, she was\ strangled, and past resuscitation. The murderer fled and was pursued, but at the time of our going co press had not been over taken,. 7 Murder m Iowa—A horrid murder was committed in Washington bounty, fmva, on the 4tli ult. A ,mafi named M’Caullev fled with thn wife and child of a Ml. CJoffinsn.to Srtect for your ruters ample who contemn religion and, dgspiso tha laws of their country, and they need not cpRi spire to introduce, despotism j you Will your* selves introdneo it. - / A Dueling restrains liberty o f tspeecn. . / The people luve a right to mvosil-cte the f conduct of rulers, Sfnl to sri ntinize the cliarnc-\ ' tfir nl 1*«r t r l t r i o \ « MffiAA ifriTiiTfeei tJso irattti%4*k^ ter of carididates'fbYqfficeTundforefheprivate' and moral character of a man is fee truesfefo- •> dex, it becomea them to bo part icular ore[th i* peM ' But wlfo will - =pe-k fro t ' who will publish, when the diWilst stand* before him with a pisU-l at Kir breast} And What. aggraVatea the restrafnt. fee Mate ma- principled and viie tiae nisn. the greater need- of speakirig, l!.C creator danger of unveiling his enormity. While bent upon pfDthmmt' and* desperate ja the course, lie is prepared p t . seal in death the lip that shall publish bis in - ’ farny. Wliat should you think of a law .thai ■ forbade the poopje to/speak of the itnworaiitfeif of candidates for office—which made death tfie .penalty of transgression ? • ■ . •' * The inqousistency of voting for \fihpliste/Br- glaring. 'To profess attachmerit tq lifrMtyjfitii^'; vote for men whose principles and whose prac-7\ tices are alike hostile to liberty, lo contend fa t ' 1 ■ equal .laws, arid rlbthe withpbw'er these Whqf ticfqiiseThom—to enact laws, arid, tntfu»t,.tihjk!tk! Indiana, Coffman .pursued and brought feefri ! execution to men wlio ate tho jfirst tOjWeail^, . ' • * .. I 'I • ,* . f. ■ - 1. —_____!#. . ( m v te k ItfeYw J L ’tir.tiire back, and wjnle returning from the house cf a neighbor, M’Caulley secreted himself in a corn-field, and Shot both' him and his child. The murderer and the wife have been arrested. Mr. S tone ' s G rave .—T ho Saratoga corraspqndent of “ Tho Republic” deffcatelYarifi feelingly saysa-y “ The lamented dead sleeps, his unbroken rest in the bosom of a 'secluded grove, where the sun in his westward course casts a parting beam. • It is a fit sepulchre for the histqriari of ’’ • ' \ - ' A [ . them is a farce too: rj^iculous'ta bri freemen;^ Jnwotirid'fqr the . ize nvrimheii vvhonj,;in our law; w e hawdqorp)-. ' ed to die, With one hand we erect thegiil-' lows, and Wife the of her rescue the viotim <- one breath declare him unfit-to five,, and -thw , next constitute BiTfftheguardinn of qjjr rights^ Cancel,yI beseech you, \thoirws against dnP el ing—annihilate your eriminnl code—clevel to' the grouqd your prisons, and restore to lh*d swqets of society and the embraces of ehsH y 1 their 'innocent Victi qs. Be qbnm tent
