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Image provided by: University at Buffalo
Closer to home, students charged with vandalism in connection with the ROTC protests a year ago surrender to authorities for trial. November 6 — Using a new law recently passed by the State Legislature which denies the use of student fees for political purposes, the UB Administration renewed the SA budget and reduced sharply the amount of dollars allocated to so-called radical groups. Student leaders said the move shows a shift to the right by University Administration heads Demonstrations erupt over the Administration’s decision to allow December issues which sparked the protests ? and strikes still remain. The report • contends the University has not dealt with the issues and predicts a return of strikes by students • could occur in the Spring 1971 J semester. Otherwise, the semester 3 ends peacefully. 3- November 9 — Contempt of court convictions of the Hayes 45, all UB faculty members, are reversed by the Appellate Division of the State Supreme court. The court says the injunction against the occupation of Hayes Hall by the 45 professors was too broad in its wording. Also, bylaws for the Collegiate Assembly, the ruling body of the Colleges, are finally staged. December 4 - Two Vietnam veterans disclose the Army asked them to spy on their fellow students when they returned to UB. The vets, who declined to spy for the government, explain they were offered a lot of money if they responded affirmatively. This disclosure fuels student ire even more. an Army recruitei to speak on campus. Acting Executive Vice President Daniel Murray quickly reverses his decision after protests are begun by the SDS. However, the demonstration continues with SDS urging as 250 irate students confront Murray with beefs about the University, including lack of support for the Colleges. Murray responds, “This University is no place for any political courses.” Spring, 1971 December 11 - A University Study on the Campus Disruptions of the Spring of 1970 reveals the January November January 29 Seventy-six years Cg “Five hundred militant State University of Buffalo students snake-danced about the Main Street Campus today at noon in the start of a protest... ‘You are a revolutionary army,' the strikers were continuous anti-establishment ideology rather than immediate superficial demands. J Part of this failure stems from a reluctance to take the students’ political conscience seriously. Abbey, whose beat was, the UB campus, 8 explained, “1 don’t think that any of us realized at the time how ? significant these events actually were.” 3 Buffalo E vening News March 16, 1970 The local media, for the most part representing the conservative political morality of the Buffalo community, failed in their coverage to even approach the depth of feeling and political insight of the student radical movement although they did succeed in transmitting outrage at its violent tactics. “There was much uncertainty,” admitted former Executive ? Producer Of WBEN News John Krieger. “We weren't sure what was going on, whether these kids were sincere or not. If turned out,” he s mused retrospectively, “they were.\ 3 One common thread connecting the coverage was the distaste 3 reporters had for the violence that some students ascribed to. However, 3 ’It turned out Sheer Buffalo’s two major papers, both family owned, the Buffalo Evening News and the Courier Express, while choosing to publicize the sometimes violent demonstrations and revolutionary activities here, gave almost no effort to analyzing the issues behind the campus unrest here and across the nation. coverage Buffalo media “The Courier Express sensationalized the Unrest to the extent of printing most of the articles on the front page, using enormous headline type and large photographs,” former editor of Ethos magazine Mike Jackson said. failed to look We weren’t sure what was going on, Jackson explained that as editor of a student publication, he was contacted often by the News, since “they tried to get the student point of view,” in contrast, the Courier Express rarely attempted to print anything beyond police or Administration reports, he said. Jackson also said that the News, “kind of backed the Administration, but they also called for more understanding,” while the Courier, he claimed, “flatly backed the Administration.” Harlen Abbey, who reported for the Courier Express at the time of the riot, explained how lacadaisical journalism affected the reportage. “It’s easier to get a copy of an Administration print-out than to listen to 16 self-appointed spokemen.” And, in general, the press almost instinctively sided with Administration views, rather than rebellious crowds, he said. whether these kids were sincere beneath the volatile surface or not. It turned out they were — Buffalo newsman by responding to this annoyance with “body counts in their stories, reporters often only incited more of the same student violence they so deplored. ' Jackson explained, “If students read something in the papers that they thought was unfair, it would often incite tm to further violence. This retrospective violence was extended to reporters themselves. Former city editor of The Spectrum Mike McKeating, who covered the May 1970 (see timeline) for the Buffalo Evening News was threatened with physical harm. Both McKeating and Abbey was gassed. And former reporter for WBEN News Fran Lucca was once held for ransom. Lucca and a cameraman had gone to the traditional student haven, Norton Union, to “get the student point of view” on the demonstrations. As they ascended to an upper floor, a female student conlronted Lucca and began swearing at him, “giving him hell.” “I blew my top,” Lucca recounted, “and I blamed people like her for instigating this type of disturbance. I stressed that I was there to get her side of the story,” he added painfully. As Lucca angrily exploded, a dozen militant, fire breathing females began milling about, surrounding him, in alliance for the girl. Fashion show The Buffalo Evening News, in their editorials entitled “Vicious Few vs. UB Majority” and “Now Pull UB Together,” expressed their Chased away Student leaders saw Lucca trapped in the midst of the female mob and chased the women away. “ ‘We’re going to take you hostage,’ they told me Lucca told the leaders he would accompany them to their office He would call the manager of WBF.N News, and the students could tape their statement for later public broadcasting. “The manager and I joked over the phone that we’re going to ransom you?’ ” As soon as the leaders voiced their message, Lucca simply picked up his notebook and left. The student perspective on the events also made reportage difficult. “It became an all white-all black issue,” commented Abbey. “You were jin the estimation of student protesters either for them or against themrSome of the students had tough standards. McKeating added that protesters expected their opnions to be reported as facts, refusing the reporters their ability at analysis. The coverage had a far out-reaching effect on the Buffalo community. Buffalo mothers picketed in front of the College A headquarters due to unfavorable press coverage (see timeline). Also, according to History Professor Michael Frisch, during the Hayes 45 arrest (see timeline), the Courier Express likened the Hayes 45’s non-violent sit-in to the violent tacticrof students. The names and addresses of the 45 were printed on the front page of the Courier, he said, adding that many received hate mail and threatening phone calls as a result. ' lie said, ‘You think Didn’t show up Television, while an irreplaceable part of the news media, could not report on events in the same manner as newspapers, and was obviously viewed differently by students and the community. Its resulting effects on its viewers was also dissimilar. Kriegar said, “There is a TV aura ... Ifsjone thing when a reporter goes in with a pen and pencil. It's not the same with a camera crew.” Kriegar claimed that most demonstrations started just for camera coverage, and added, “If we didn’t show up, they wouldn’t hold the demonstration.” belief that the disturbances at UB were caused by a radical, volatile few who in fact, neglected the true views of most of the student body. ’While most UB campus disruption articles were sprawled across the Courier's front pages, Buffalo Evening News stories could generally be found on the front page of the second section. And while the Courier would focus its attention almost exclusively on the unrest, the News would still cover other campus activities like art exhibits, fashion shows, lectures and theatrical productions. The Buffalo media’s slanted perception of the campus unrest was obvious in their reportage. Rather than analyzing the causes behind a demonstration, news stories would become a srmple damage and casualty report, emphasizing the students violent character. The press examined UB’s unrest in an event by event, blow by blow manner, rather than sewing the events into a meaningful lucid context In fact, many of the disturbances were underpinned by a Kriegar also related, “sometimes, if we didn’t appear at a demonstration, student leaders would call us, demanding to know why we weren’t there.” Kreigar explained that WHEN would film “anything that moved.” He said, “We were airing a lot of anti-war demonstrations. We were getting a lot of phone calls from the Buffalo community questioning why we had so much coverage. Yet locally it took a great period of time for the establishment to be willing to go on air. by Adrienne McCann